SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

Peter Heathfield on: The NUM

Socialist Action No. 100, 3 May 1985 · p. 7 of the scan · 1,442 words

The scan: 100-may-03-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

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page 7 of the scan

But this strike has certainly seen the politicisation of a new generation of miners. I think the lessons will be projected through a decade or more.

The experiences of young miners (the average age of miners is 36), the experiences of the past 1z montas will make a tremendous impact on their future outlook and attitude. The movement as a whole will be much richer for that experience. It will help to sustain the labour movement in the future.

The choice that faced'the leadership of the NUM was whether prepared to do what trade unions have predominantly done for almost generation now: that is, to be identified with the management of the decline of British industry, or to try and project our alternative policies to ensure that working people have the right to work - that thev should not be treated like flotsam and jetsam, that there are policies that would enable them to plan their lives free from the fears and anxieties of unemployment.

Out of the '26 strike the theories and philosophy of public ownership emerged more clearly and the suffering, the poverty of miners in the '20s and early '30s helped bring about a postwar Labour government that sought to take the industry into public ownership and alleviate those kind of problems. think a future Labour government will inevitably draw on the experiences of 1984-85 hopefully fashion policies that prevent that sort or situanon aeveloping agalli.

From the money pouring in from branches, obvious the strike had captured the imagination of literally thousands of rank and filers. Indeed the response to the miners' delegation to the TUC that at grass roots level there was a tremendous support, and a recognition that the fight was not only the miners' fight but that of the broad trade union was MOVCHCOL The disappointment was the attitude of those leaders who chose to highlight the irrelevant aspects of the dispute when thev should in fact have beer clearly indicating their support for the miners' struggle.

There was from large sections of the labour movement. For example we received cheques from branches of the EETPU, from AUEW branches despite the hostility of some of their leaders. came pouring in from TGWU branches and from General and Municipal branches, and — surprise, surprise — from ISTC branches, indicating that at grass roots level there was considerable support.

Internatonally the financial sup port was absolutely would think that 90 per cent of the cash came individual , it was plicable.

Board have not disappeared.

indicated 1985 as it was in March '84 tion: we will not alter leadership, sure we'll get a response from them.

tremendous solidarity The money it gave the so-called Notts area?

magnificent.

tinghamshire abroad.

tinue to exploit.

tHe Ones those want to March '84 have not been applied. I In Kent think there may be difficulties in him applying them in 1985. In many ways we have rendered those policies inapThat in itself is some achievement Everybody The problems facing the National Coal There is still tremendous spirit in the ranks of the NUM, in the course of the next year we will reassert ourselves. it again The principle of defending jobs and defending the industry is as pertinent in We will continue to be a campaigning organisa- them in the our style of wil continue to cam paign amongst our members - and I'm The fact that Notts and a large part of the Midlands refused to come out on strike actually weakened the position of the union, both from the point of view who went back of stopping the movement of coal and recognise closing power stations but also because moderate trade union leaderships an easy way out of refusing to build the sort of industrial needed to win the strike.

What do you think the attitude of the union as a whole should be towards the finding policy.

I think most striking miners would readily acknowledge that had the Notjoined the struggle, it would have been over in Notts failed to recognise that we were defending the industry from the sort of attack that is designed to bring about privatisation. Sadly, they failed to recognise that fragmentation of the NUM was precisely what the government wants to achieve. There's been an conservative influence brought into the Nottingham coalfield, advising the working miners commitIncle s oeen a wnole galaxy Tory lawyers and business men ready to finance the breakaway in Notts. been The miners there have failed to recognise that the government are more able to attract private capital if there's fragmented trade union organisation. The development in Notts, for example would enable the prospects of multinational oil companies buying up the coal reserves there at give-away prices.

The defence of the industry is about the case for public ownership as well as the defence of jobs. Notts has created a wedge that the government will con In the weeks and months ahead ou job is trying to seek a reconciliation that brings them back into the fold.

Aside from the question of pit closures, untinished business of thi strike is reinstatement and amnesty for miners sacked or facing dismissal. Does the union have any plans to launch a campaign?

We have said since last October that we negotiate I cuistalculicill of those victimised bv the Board. It'snot a question of violence, it's a question of the dismissal of people who are died-inthe-wool trade unionists.

for example, the overwhelming majority of people dismissed are elected representatives. Similarly Scotland. The NCB have adopted a discriminatory policy.

knows nationally we were denied the right to negotiate reinstatement - I don't use the term amnesty because it implies guilt. At a recent meeting with the NCB, we raised we drew a blank. That doesn't mean to say we're prepared to turn our backs on those people We are currently helping to support hope that, through the areas, we will be able to reinstate them. We have been partially successful.

The national leadership have been denied the right to negotiate by the NCB. But after 12 months of strike ou campaign is obviously limited. That's the price of not winning an outright vic. tory. I would hope that those people to work early now they. have made our task more difficult in the short term.

That's fine for areas like, for example. South Wales where I've been recently where everyone was pretty confident of satisfactory reinstatement . But that's not the case for Kent or Scotland, where there are the largest proportion of dismissals. Do you think ine solidanty committees set up curing the strike can be brought behind a reinstatement campaign? ment There's been a lot of talk about th continuation of the support groups m Women Against Pit Closures, that the should now have formal links with th Can you comment on that?

Yes, it's been a fantastic development I think every striking miner in the coun try is ready to acknowledge the con tribution women have made in a whol variety of wavs They've been incredible. They'r involved equal partners o picket lines, planning, pamphleteerin and organising the solidarity that needed in this sort of dispute. We mus find ways of integrating that valuabl support. Experience during this strike has confirmed that we've got to estab lish formal links with the union. It's not easy because of the need for rules to be approved. But I think within the ma jority of areas there's a willingness and eagerness maintain strengthen links with the groups.

Indeed the fact that there's 750 peo ple scattered around the coalfields tha have been refused reinstatement helping keep the women together. The! are currenuy organising a natonal con ference. They organising their education, like weekends schools a Northern College, which will help maintain our internal links and those they have forged with other suppor groups nationally and internationally The political movement well should seek to harness this net development. I would like to see more recognition for them throughout the whole labour movement. In Wellbeck for example, about 15 striking miners wives applied to join the local branch o: the Labour Party. They didn't want to know — a sad reflection on the state o that particular branch of the party. Bu: I hope those sort of difficulties can ta overcont We've got to look for ways of i= volving the whole family in trade unic activity. In my view that is an imp? tant development I'd like to couraged, not frowned on. The adva tage would be felt no: only br the NU but by the broade: trade under more 3 Map 1053

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