THE TACTICS put forward by the officers of the National Union of Teachers seriously threaten to derail the current campaign of the union for £1200 Winters, Green, Griffin and Richardson, sometimes known as the - together with general secretary general secretary Doug decisions and acted on them, before the executive have even met.
teachers pay since 1974 calling on central government provide more money. Secretary of Sale caucanion, Sir Keith Joseph has said repeatedly, that there is no cash available.
NUT Executive (personal capacity)
Many union branches concerned at the leadership's strategy. They are demanding that action is stepped up, especially il militant areas like Inne London where members in Islington and Westminster were due to take action this week.
What is needed is a mass campaign that links up the actions of teachers in England and Wales with those in Scotland as well as with lecturers In further eacon are an verses Such a campaign linking up with other public sector unions and escalating the strike action represents the only way forward.
Teachers recognise that the campaign they are involved for high stakes. Despite the agreement with the authority in the next year.
This represents the successul conclusion of a fight waged Di the left going back over nine years. It is a victory achieved without the support of the national union which has stepped in on g number of occion victimised militants tor taking part in unor ficial action in opposition to the forced movement of teachers. TEACHERS in Inner London look set to sign aa Inner London Education Although the agree ment does not everything sought teachers the officer.
bott
and answered his critics. The NUM has just emerged from an historic 12 months. Would you like to look back and tell me what your assessment of the strike is? Was it worth coming out?
There are many aspects of the dispute I think the most significant feature of the strike was the willingness of the overwhelming majority of resist the pressure of Thatcherism, and to indicate to the labour movement as a whole that it had to fight back, that the gains of former generations were going to be taken away. The strike has shown the rest of the movement fightback is possible.
Amongst the many lessons was the uniqueness of the dispute claims on the table. It wasn't about wages, it wasn't about improving conditions — it was in detence ot iobs. tor the first time a new generation were preparea to aerena meir fashion that led to a dispute that extended over 12 months.
The disappointments were that we were unable to motivate the whole of our membership, and the fact that the trade union movement didn't fulfill its promises. That of course prolonged the sinke and createa enormous probiems The fact that we didn't win the support of the Nottinghamshire and the Midlands miners indicates that we failed to campaign adequately before the dispute started. We failed to recognise the political lesson of what was happening in lne not anes. dominated by mineworkers who elected a Tory MP in 1978 and '83. That should have shown us a great deal.
So, with hindsight, should have been more intensive campaigning before the decision in the areas was made. We must recognise that 1978 achieved its objective of dividing miner from miner, that the level of earnings in the East Midlands compared to the level of earnings in Scotland brought about divisions within our ranks that we were not able to overcome. But of course we didn't select the timing of the dispute — it was imposed upon us.
The other very pertinent point is that, ostensibly, the dispute was about four million tonnes of capacity MacGregor wanted to take out of the industry. In reality, I think everybody recognised it was about reforming the role of the coal mining industry within the British economy.
preparing the industry for Most miners recognise that. But many trade unionists in other industries have failed to recognise that miners were fighting a battle for the whole movement.
They were fighting behalf of public ownership. think many more trade unionists will be caught up in that because of their apparent lack of enthusiasm to join with us to detend the gains and achieve ments or past generalions.
I'd like to ask you about some of the criticisms that were levelled NUM during the there were those from the right of the trade union movement. think vou'd expect that. But towards the end of the the left and the so-called left about the tactics of the union and its national leadership. For example, from the Communist Party, Tribune, even Militant.
Socialist Action The main arguments. the anenateu a lol or people. miners to that.
that in the working class.
What would critics?
with no publications „uke jobs In decision making process.
the strategy with problems.
our colecuve aecision.
This mate out of a job.
. I'd say there ballot paper agreement when 70,000 should vote.
sight have changed their minds. I accept that criticism, so be it.
There have fallen into Scargill decisions collective ported by of the NEC battle on Sadly, picket membership. here are many violence.
at tne Obviously violence on the picket lines.
Our licubels members.
the LCC and totally. trate on those of Marxism Today, were wal tne namonal leadersnip alon't ao enough to persuade public opinion onto their side. Essentially it was because you refused to hold a national ballot that you weren't able to do that. And pickeung adopted, and the violence that ensued, Militant took up a left version of Ted Grant, on the eve of the LPYS conference ațtacked the NUM leadership. He said there should have been a ballot, not having one was an indication that the leadership lacked faith to those I find it strange that these so-called ship. Some of the individuals named in Marxism Today throughout the dispute were part of the They were people who participated in determining - actually, people who were arguing for mass picketing! Now, after the event, they find that mass picketing was not the way of dealing I have been a consistent opponent of a ballot in the NUM. That has been The dispute started from area strikes and the national union making them official. I believe in ballot box democracy, but this raises the tundamental question of whether a worker has the right to vote I would argue that if a ballot is to be part or lne acmocrauc process in lne trade union, the question posed on the must equally affect all those participating. don't accent that jobs are going 185,000 Effectively that's giving people in long-life pits the veto over someone else's right to defend their job. I reject the view of those who with hindthat after the setbacks return we've endured there will be critics. But the policies have been clearly defined to the rank and file. I have consistently davocalca une aclence or tose policies and their application. If that warrants those LOU WiIO have sought to personalise the dispute. They the media trap of MacGregor. fact, Scargill, Heathfield and McGahey indeed the national executive commitwere responding to conference decisions sup• the overwhelming majority The question of violence is one that many of us have declared ourselves on. We must distinguish what's happened. There are many innocent victims of violence VUl of our members who are victims of police line many cases agents provocateurs who have created have reacted to violence imposed on them by the state. Without defending violence, I am unwilling to accept that what happened on picket lines was at the instigation of our The miners have been prolected as brutal people who are not interested in law and order. I reject that Some of the left have argued that the to work represents a defeat which is qualitatively the same as 1926. They're saying that the situation now is that the preparedness of the organised working class to go into struggle is very much weakened, that we won't see any significant industrial struggles for years and years.
The Euro-communists, for example, say that the miners' strike of 1984 was the last dying gasp of a form of struggle that's no longer appropriate. Do you think that's the case? Do you think your strike belongs to another era that's past?
I'd preface any general comments with observation that four unemployed erodes the traditional solidarity of working people. That was an important element of the problems we faced.
Those on the left in the NUM realised that in some coalfields miners were returning to work, and it was a question of trying to retain control of the situation. As national leaders we could have made an agreement that signed awar the heritage of the NUM. We could have signed an agreement selling out jobs that would have set a precedent for the rest of the movement.
We went back to work without an agreement, that's certainly satisfactory conclusion to the dispute. But we went back with a measure of dignity and a recognition that the fight could go on. I've no doubt in the future there will be struggles. It's epitomised by what's happened at Ascome colliery ley were les Have been ol because of the management months of struggle.
«The strike has shown the rest of the labour moveI don't see it as a defeat comparable to that of 1926.
MacGregor million humiliate the miners. It was quite ob. vious - having gone through the exercises of 135 hours of negotiations that the Board didn't want a negotiated settlement to the dispute. from a recognition that the rest of the trade union movement wasn't going to SUDDULE US We've seen the whole of the state apparatus aligned against the NUM: the Board, the government, the police, the judiciary, the media to isolate the leadership of the NUM. Yet, at the end of the day, weeks of struggle, Ut • majority of Britain's coal miners were still on strike. prepared to accept humiliating defeat as there was in 1926.
attitude of They'd and that's after back.
Thatcher their national all seeking left after the overwhelming Atter that. i'm not there was But rather I know that 30,000 went back between October and the end of February. They were committed to the cause of defending jobs, but they were destitute.
not deserted the cause, economic circumstances made them go Socialist Action doesn't share the views of the left critics. We say far from being the last struggle that closes an era, the miners' strike opens a new era.
For the first time since AJ Cook, we ve seen a new calore or nationa leadership — a leadership of the NUM that's shown right from the beginnin that it's absolutely determined to win. I believe one of the things that's helped keep the miners out for such a long time is that they've had the confidence that executive is not doin back-door deals, looking for ways ol getting off the hook.
Something else has arisen that. There is a differentiation within the left — you can see it most clearly im the Labour Party. . The rank and file of the party poured into support commitlees, even wougn tne leadersmo don't offer anything like that same support. We've seen that differentiation among organisations within the Jall Tribune for instance came out in sup port of Neil Kinnock, , the LCC made similar criticisms to Marxism Today, Socialist Action has drawn the opposite lesson than 'the
game's up, let's pack up and go home. Perhaps you'd like to comment on that, support you've had from the Labour Party and the solidarity committees during the dispute.
I think it's far too early to draw conclusions about the impact of the 12 month strike on the broader labour and trade union movement. There are some who argue we had a Labour government in 1929 because of what happened in '26, so I would not accept the analysis that many so-called left wingers are projecting.
We've seen a politicisation within the labour movement without precedent. I know I've fallen out with some of the pundits who said in 1972 and '74 — the last two major strikes in the industry - that they had brought about the politicisation of miners. They were about declining standards of living, about money wage militancy. Throughout the dispute there tially to our strike.
reason you'd come out gramme MacGregor, supported by the Been windra go ou withdrawn. union's in fit project that being done?
Coal Board agreement they were rank and filers contributing substanI'd like to come on to the future of the At the end of the strike the - the proclosures that • 1910 you think the state continue fighting closures and how would you The next six months especially are going to be pretty difficult. The National are indicating that the entered into with NACODS wil not be applied. So there are enormous difficulties facing us. I think too we have to resolve the internal difficulties with the Nottinghamshire But it's important to say that the policies MacGregor projected in early three ment's attitude. tee.
months. That would have brought about a substantial modification of the Board's and the governIt's important that those groups rais their voices. My own view is that wi should be calling for a public enquir into the attitude of the National Coa Board. We failing to publicity at all on the discriminator nature of the Board's attitude.
We are monitoring the situation. I areas like Derbyshire for example, the are dramatically reducing the numbe of people presently dismissed, but ther are still a lot more cases to go before th courts. There's been a breakthrough 1! Yorkshire where the Board have at lon last agreed to discuss individual case with the area leaders.
It's a process that's slow aHHH cumbersome, but it's one we're oblige. to go through. In the meantime we sustain the families of these peopie.
Finally, I want to ask you about th women's movement during the strike. think it was a fantastic success, not jus in terms of the amount of support an CONGREA mey gave lo striking madel and the NUM, but also in terms of th number of women whose confidenc and talents were developed during th
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sent grass roots calls for London teachers victory
Authority which would mean the end of compulsory transfers and the guarantee of no job loss in the
SINCE THE end of the miners' strike critics have rushed to print with their view of how the miners strike was waged. In his first major interview since the end of the strike, PETER HEATHFIELD, general secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers, gave CAROL TURNER his assessment of the last 12 months
ment a fightback is possible."