Warning Nobody expected the strike to ment policies immediately. Its success has be measured against the the expense of the peoples of the Spanish state.
That obstacle should stand as a warning to the like of Kinnock and Hattersley who would like to path this country. and the rise of their activity in the south.
Despite the hysteria however one simple rule will guide finding out the truth about the Thatcher's claims. The saying 'Who profits?' Who would gain from IRA attacks on scaside resorts, the British government or Sinn Fein? Evidently British government, not the Irish Republicans.
In reality the IRA and Cinn Fein have continved to show both their military and pontical successes After the district council elections, despite unionist attempts clude Sinn Fein representatives, Republican THE THATCHER government and press has launched a vicious campaign about an alleged seaside bombing campaign' to be launched by the IRA. The aim of this is to whip up hysteria to cover over the major political successses which have been scored by Sinn Fein in the elections in the north of Ireland -chairs of local councils. and one deputy chair, have been elected. In the majority of councils Sinn Fein can now truly represent the nationalist minority for the first time- - gly. ing aid in exposing Loyalist privilege discrimination and defy Militarily the IRA in Crossmagler came prett close to knocking an army out of the sky and recently struck again in the centre of Belfast defying brush Clannis normalisation. Even the of RUC stations not invulnerable - as the attack in Newry showed.
In the 26 county state, despite the reactionar Section 31 of the Broad casting Act which denies Sinn Fein access to electoral broadcasts, Sinn Fein polled well gaining 48,000 preference Monaghan Sinn Fein way votes county the second largest party.
Sinn Fein is making major political successes It has explained a thousand times that it has no quarrel whatever with the British people simply withany British government that continues to oc cupy the north of Ireland. It has no interest whatever in attacking British holiday resorts.
Thatcher's is a crude and blatant frame up from beginning to end.
IF YOU want to know more about the lesbian and gay liberation movements in the advanced capitalist and so-called 'communist' countries, and especially and Mike McNair. (Pluto Press 1985, £4.95)
The book's main thesis basically thạt 'the capacity for homosexual relations is in our nature' fie as well as heterosexual ones) that the identification of a group of people "gay' specific to capitalist society, and that * lesbian and gay liberation implies the eventual disappearance of heterosexuals and homosexuals Yes, IT's The 'we're all bisexual really' argument, presented convincingly in a Marxist framework. For 'the liberation of gay peobuilding a sociatst society can and 'fighting for socialism today, therefore also Alicals fighting for liberation'.
While the authors call for a system of workers power, though, they leave open the question be brought about without a 'civil war', revolution, which as TrotSAYISUS must say couldn't. But in taking up this cowardly part, far be it from me to cry 'where is the fOr smashing What comes across very clearly that gay liberation 400l liberation of everyone's sexually rate anasa group of people who identify as homosexual. That that capitalism, through the economic unit of the famiThus it is not exily gay heterosexuality. people who are affected by gay oppression; but it is gay people who experience this oppression in its sularpest most inescapable form'.
Apart from the odd phrase which could only have been written by two gay men (VIZ economic independence trom men has a particulal importance for lesbians', which implies that most important rejection of men is a sexual one!) the book does include, to a lesser degree. almost all the issues relevant to a discussion of lesbian and gay liberation.
While the discussion with respect to lesbians' situation may lack detail, there in that at least are essential aspects authors maintain that the repression of 'gay' sexuality is fundamentally linked to the regulation of women's sexuality through monogamy and the family. By Polly Vittorini Thus they avoid the traditional misogynist gay male theorv that are oppressed by the family because they have to marry women! Secondly they point out the role of lesbians as the political. I not numerical vanguard of gay moyenients.
However the rather a discussion of gay men's liberation rather than anything more representative.
Perhaps as far as the gay men's scene is concerned the family is breaking down visibly, but the fight for women's liberation necessitates serious view of the constraints still imposed by the family in the here and now The authors confuse a (real) historical breakdown of the family with an immediate thus their statement that 'the family is obsolescent' comes out looking more glib than it ought The whole text of the book is also linked rather unnecessarily in VICH to the idea that there is a transhistorical human nature which gives us the • capacity for homosexua Tenons This human nature is also supposed to contain a desire for collaboration and a commitment to the future. Whether or not, it perfectly possible posit 'more diffuse human sexuality' without tying it to such prescriptive notions of human nature Also very importantly Gough and McNair point to the continued existence of the family as the reason for women's and gay op pression in the so-called communist countries.
This, they say is fundue imperialism and the rise of a deepening interest 'stable heirarchy of relations'. The argument that gay sexuality 'bourgeois perversion seen to be only a defence of the ruling caste's stake in the regulation of the people through Loe family In the last section of the book is contained a 'manifesto for action', including the demand for an end to all laws discrimination against gay people, for economic and legal independence men, and for children to have the right to determine their own sexual lives.
stresses the need for autonomy of ments as neil a ver ment, autonomy lesbians, since they will lead the against heterosex uality.
The gay argue the authors cannot avoid taking sides on other phei teal ques ons, cory government or anti-trade legislation, since these also have direct effects on gay rights.
An essential point that this section ignores is the galls to be made mom gay people organising around these otner Issues. a lessor we have learnt in the past year through the astounof Lesbians Gays Support the Miners.
This 1S perhaps excusable since the book was finished before the strike Socialist Action began, but the way was already being shown by the Greenham women.
The book also makes, lesbian and gay rights bil ject which is likely to be taken up by the Campaign for Lesbian and Gay Rights.
As the authors envisage it such a bill would 'abolish all the principal alie 'make of sexuality actionable as a civil wrong' I would differ with the view that there should be a crime 'homosexual rape' The courts would use such a crime against gay people and when une police have so little respect it is half-baked to suppose that they will take steps to protect a gay person in the same situation.
The book links the exposition of women's oppression in the family to 03 July 1985 the oppression of children There is an explanation o the false division of the population into , 'children and 'adults' a call for no age of consent and for children's rights 'divorce' their parents.
What completely lacking is any discussion of "the family' affects black people, since the authors concentrate on a classical Euro-centric explanation of capitalism io white people critique from black people in th lesbian and gay movement is badly needed!
I would have preferred more Liberation in the '80s' is an important addi tion to the theory of the anyone who is senou: about the subject shoul read it. So should people who aren't serious about the subject - yet!
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if you want to know what Trots say about them, read 'Gay Liberation in the 80's', by Jamie Gough