should maintain the correct TGWU demands a FAIR DEAL for HEALTH SERVICE WORKERS WC THE black section struggle has but the issue ot race and representation high on everybody's agenda. That's important.
Brent has been tackling this problem for many years now There was TOOLS struggle Brent, organised by black activists with te support or wille ac tivists, for black coun cillors. 10 make sure that thi policies of the recognised the potential that existed in the black communities. The black section movement has brought that to the fore nationally.
What is important recognise in my view. is all too often torgot ten in the discussion about black sections — 15 that It's not simply about more black faces in town halls and parliament.
governing bodies and so on It's also about policy: get ting the policy of the party changed so that it reflects the multi-racial nature of our society, and black people have an opportunity to make a policy contribution. It's about broadening the membership base of the party and mobilising within the black community on behal of the party So we mustn't get hung up the question representation of black sec nons, important though it Policy is the battle. Representation without pol icy is futile.
At the end of the day it's no use having black faces in parliament anywhere else, if the party is not able to deliver policies that relevant to black people, to women, to workng peopic It means organisation naving a constitution that enables us to focus on this issue, but it also means sup poite members of the pany both black for those policies.
The party is challenged by the concept black autonomy, just as challenged by the concept of autonomy. There sections of the party's leadership who see themselves "umbered with autonomy. Very many of the people who ar now vehemently opposed to black sections, if the truth be known, are also opposed to women's sections.
But the Labour Party its inception recognised the right of organisation. recognised for cooperators for unions, so it's a logical extensior L of that to recognise it for black people There absolutely nothing inconsistent DeL ween the right to organise autonomously and unified action. On the contrary, one leads to the other. Because the becomes tha much more acceptable vehicle, and that much more rich if it's able to give exblack people, women and so on It's a completely false analysis that says a recogni ton of sectional interest s somehow divisive. It isn't. I stand four souare benind the right of black people to organise alleludes within the party. That is the best way I know of enriching and broadening the base of the party The between Kinnock and the Militant sections, is a strange and unholy one bascu un a rundamental mis conception as to what black Look at the : experience of Labour Pm local govern ment.. We had many of the same arguments about apar theid about separate development when began to identify race and ethnicity as aspects of loca government deserving special attention separate resources as now hear levelled agains black sections.
When we first started talking ethnic minorities committees about consulting the bac community as a community about Oli government, this was regarded as divisive. It was regarded as patronising', to use a word that Kinnock is often quoted as using in relation to the creation of black sections.
The very reverse has proved to be true. There never has been • a greater identity the black community and black community local government than there is now. The support of the
se for Black Sections Socialist Action 03 July 1985