SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

Correct

Socialist Action No. 110, 2 August 1985 · pp. 8-9 of the scan · 864 words

The scan: 110-aug-02-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 5-5 of 7; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 8 of the scan

cilable struggle against fascism, my m ne own country. Only in this way can they gain the confidence of the rebels, rebellion, and strengthen revolutionary position.

If the above is correct na cartimewhy does it become false wartime?

Does the proletariat in peacetime reject and sabotage all the acts and measures of the bourgeois government? Even during a strike which embraces an entire city, the workers take measures to insure the delivery of food to their own districts, make sure that they have water, hospitals do not suffer, etc. measures are dictated not by opportunism in relation to the bourgeoisie but by concern for the interests of the strike itself, by concern for the sympathy of the submerged city masses, These clementary rules of proletarian strategy in peacetime retain full force in time of war as well.

'the calamities. help the Idiots their own in while maintaining their troops.

that the Such the practical measures bourgeois government.

the workers with them. And the question is not exhausted merely by cases of natural If the French fascists should make an attempt today at a coup d'etat and the Daladier government found itself forced to move troops against the fascists, the revolutionary workers, political independence, would fight agalst me rasciss alongsae lnese Thus in a number of cases the workers are forced not only to permit and tolerate, but actively to support of the In ninety cases out of a hundred actually place a minus sign where the bourgeoisie places a traitors But tell casts nowever tney are forced to fix the same sign as the bourgeoisie but with their own seal, in tion, arriving at those decisions which correspond best to the interests of the proletariat. This rule applies just as much to the war period as to the period of peace.

Let us imagine that in the next European war the Belgian proletariat conquers power sooner than the proletariat of Undoubtedly Hitler will try to crush proletarian Belgium. In order to cover up its own flank, the French bourgeois government might find itself compelled to help the Belgian workers' government with arms.

The Belgian soviets of course reach for these weapons with both hands. But, actuated by the principle of defeatism, perhaps the rrench workers ought to block their bourgeoisie from shipping arms to proletarian Belgium? Only direct For out-and-out idiots can reason thus The French bourgeoisie could send arms to proletarian Belgium only The outcome of the struggle would be decided, analysis, by the relationship of forces, into which correct policies enter as a very important ractor. tionary party's first task is to utilise the contradiction between two imperialist countries, France and Germany, in order to save proletarian Belgium.

Ultraleft scholastics think not in concrete terms but in empty abstractions. They have transformed the idea ot detentism They can see vividly neither the process of war nor the process of revolution. They seek a hermetically sealed formula which excludes fresh air. But a formula of this kind can offer no orientation vanguard.

To carry the class struggle to its highest form - civil war - this is the task of defeatism. But this task can be in the final SUCT a vacuum.

for the proletarian une she. tempted more than once to prove tha the general principles and tasks must be realised in each country in accordance with its internal and external - LaL Is — will be caught unawares • war. Their policy in time of war will be a fatal consummation of theit policy in peacetime. The first artillery shots will either blow the ultraleftists drive them into the camp of social anarchists, those absolute 'deniers' of the same reasons bourgeois ministers policy in wartime one must learn to

page 9 of the scan

COSTA RICA SOCIALISTS in Britain tend to assume that Nicaragua is a unified country with a Spanish speaking people who all participated in the revolutionary struggle which led to the overthrow of the Somoza dictatorship in July 1979.

The reality however is more complex. history of Atlantic Coast of deserves more attention because of what it teaches us about the complex problems taced by the. FSLN and the rights of ethnic minorities in a revolution.

Militia women from sysSocialist Action such not 2 August 1985 ministry used to distribute food every fortnight, forcing people to trave every two weeks. We wanted them distributed once a month. These are small things.

We also deal with bigger problems Via Coast the agrarian refor land ownership the Pacific gave titles to cooperatives. This does apply to the Atlantic Coast. because our land is community land and it is against Miskitu traditions to give land to individuals. We discusseo it and the government agreed to give community land titles. The title only states that the government recognises the historic lands of the Indian people.

So we have now a commission working on more specific demarcaincluding arable lands forests. We have some virgin land and any exploitation would destro! the ecology which we want to preserve.

What are the relationships with the When we were in the process of form. ing MISATAN we invited the Sumu people — because we are all Indians.

← PopularNicaraguas Atlantic Coast →

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