and in both elections we wanted to consolidate the republican position and to develop middle leadership Sinn Fein. This we have begun to do.
SDLP Wildleyel Furthermore, British claim DICyIUUs ties for obvious Icasulls, slower, and we set ourselves, DOLI publicly minimum 39.
LUI Fein; was mainly in their Delase Will of Sinn worth noting Thati performance and development in the North in recent years have received dramatic news coverage, this performance and these developments were possible because a fairly clear republican base already existed. What we nave been doing in recent years mas pen to surucure nal base.
Outside of a few clearly identifiable this sort altas republican base does not exist in the twenty-six counties. Moreover, for tre past decade ana even longer, there has been no Many republican bases which do exist into a structured party organisation. tion been factor the dualis!
al these reasons we see this ly developing last this year.
We our tent, more accountable being : built been side with while areas they have kept that the the SDLP always been there, they of nationalist who drew HALOI LISL power, SDLP work alongside republicans on which the where it Fein. would, perhaps, of opportunism areas.
comodate an Duffy their To be honest, terences perception would ferences.
gle in the six counties and. when Sinn Fein began to put its radical politics to the electorate, the middle class politics of the SDLP emerge more clearly than ever.
What do you think will emerge from the LondonDublin talks?
It would be foolish to try and speculate, but what Is interesting the kitellying unal ls golg ou a the moment, particularly This kite-flying coincides with report published by the Institute for European Defence and Strategic Studies, enulice Undefended Frontier — A Policy ror Ulster. Written by T.E. Utley. Tory adviser alon with John BiggsDavidson, Nicholas Budgen, Peter Lloyd and Patrick Мастогу, this report recommends a joint 'Anglo-Irish security commission' to co-ordinate the campaign against the IRA military sup-comatillec made up of both Dublin British insurgency forces, Anglo and a secrefarial for an Irish council Tese are na These the very ideas that are being leaked at the moment.
So we can first of all conclude that given the British government's position and in fairness to them they have been very, very clear the Dublin Forum report is out and all its options are out What is clear is that they discussing anything that will make any meaningful towards Irish independence or peace. And it is hardly surprising that that ls the nature ments. What they are val- Casc both given the governing about is in fact how to defeat republicanism.
I keep harking back to the fact that the only thing that has survived out of the Sunningdale talks, the so-called Sunningdale agreement which was laud. ca al Inat umne Dy Dubll SDLP politícians as actually what Wolfe Tone had fought and died for, fact the Act legislation. have years suggest that more and more people are rejecIrish constitutiona natonansa as a means o1 achieving Irish unity? Yes, but Irish constitutona. nationalism is not aimed securing Irish unity. The terms 'constitutional nationalism' are fact a contradiction. What are talking about British constitutionality.
clever, but don" believe that Dublin hey and partionista are partitionist their outlook, partitionist in their politics and their ideology. I don't believe that the SDLP leadership is serious about Irish unidemocratic They socia party in the six-county context.
What we have witnessed in the last two years is Fein, the Dublin ment has been forced to give the impression that it is concerned and that it is doing something. This has all been for the benefit of the SDLP What emerged this flurry of 'concerned' Besides civil suade the classical by and to isolate oi produce something will the elec torate of twenty-six counties the But what nationalist voters in the North who, for want of a better word, constitutional tionalism as a real political option? For them is the lesson of the last two years not that there is no way left but armed struggle? That will only become an parent as Sinn Fein develops and I don't know if all the people in the six counties who antiunionist would ever come round to supporting the armed struggle. But I de know that it is up to us to least, give them political alternative to th SDLP As we develop our ano Fianna Fail's. "The voters we're targeting are people who have become aware that the social and difficulties the twenty-six counties cannot be solved within a twenty-six county context. In other words we have to show that there are logical sound economic social for Irish independence, well patriotic reasons.
Do you think that Sinn Fein has successfully expounded that idea to the public?
No Sinn Fein has been successful in those arensolate de bar base consolidated worked Malve sistently alongside people In the areas where wi have organised we : have reached a combination of people who would support the republican position on partition, on the right to self-determination, the right of the IRA to engage in armed struggle, along with people who accept our policies on the economic situation have seen us working on Ac aloule Vhe 1 we develop our organisanon Ino d rele vant party, the vote we will want to b Fianna Fail or Labour vote prescill the tionalist rump of Fianna Fail, and the urban, tradi tional Labour Party. Bur we're not going to be able to take these votes in any great measure at the mo ment.
What is the strategy of Sinn Fein in the coming year, what in particular would you like see comin out of this ear's Ard-Fheis!
ry and fuse all the loca whether it's consumers. unemployed with the na tional question. To bring about struggle has a correct, principle position on partition, and which has nonopportunistic and consis tent position on social and economic questions.
We have an internal ConTe enca September, before the Ard-Fheis. to conduct a national review of the local government results and to assess our progress midSocialist Action 6 September 1985
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secured those opiectives. In the sx Sunties We