SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

Duffy, Thatcher and Owen

Socialist Action No. 113, 13 September 1985 · p. 2 of the scan · 1,144 words

The scan: 113-sep-13-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 1-2 of 7; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 2 of the scan

tal part of the forces which are reshaping British pol which the headlines were dominated by the two extremes of the labour movement - the AUEW threatening a split of the TUC and the victory of Scarglil in the vote on the miners.

Of course these two wings totally different relation AUEW's course In reality commands large support in the TUC - perhaps one third when the final crunch comes.

Scargill's course Is supported by minority. The contre although squeezed, jority - although this contre is progressive. ly shifting towards acceptance of the anti-union laws.

But while the TUC Is most unlikely to split the short term politics Thatche in popula to maintai the the pol пот of the anti-trade legislation Is, after all, policies and measures the AUEW and EETPU right wing carried out for yoars. This is why, moving there is a real clash with the AUEW-EETPU. The majority TuG framework of the Tory laws by struggle but by a future Labour government. The AUEW-EEPȚU would not.

The problem for the that their course is incoherent and without of success.

Labour government that will qualitatively reverse Thatcher's anti-union Kinnock has already made that clear. And, with the strength of the Alliance, oven Kinnock's ability to Introduce his much mooted 'Bill of Rights' siderable doubt.

The only logical and coherent courses being pursued are those of the AUEW-EETPU, to accept the laws, and the NUM's, which is to fight them now through struggle.

the majority, it has no firm base on which it rests only be slowly eroded.

their very different strengths, dominated the Blackpool headlines and why they will continue to do so.

Ronald Reagan's much-quoted quip that ain't seen vides a key — to both the left and the much.

stronger right wing of the trade union move!

mont. The polarisations that will shake the British trade union and labour movement are still oaly just beginning to gather their full tics. It was a congress in were in a of The Outside the NUM, a small ground of the TUC, still commands the mathe preventing bulldfor of British enged. They are aimed challenge from Labour on the trade union bureaucracy or is required. The entire on than ever proof that Thatcher is increasing excluding any 'middle way' in the fight against her government's attacks on the Labour movement.

On the one hand, Gavin Laird and Eric Hammond threatened to split the trade union movement from top to bottom with their decision to break the Wembley special conference policy of non-compliance with Thatcher's anti-union laws. And Wednesday saw the capitulation of the general council in the face of such threats.

On the other hand, the NUM resolution, carried against the wishes of the TUC leadership, reflected the pressure of support for a real fight against the Tories that still exists within sections of the trade union movement.

Arthur Scargill's speech to a Labour Herald fringe meeting outlined the bankruptcy of a 'wait for a Labour government and see' approach. He spelled out in detail the way in which all the arms of the state had been used against the miners during their strike — and therefore the full implications for the unions of capitulation to the Tories laws.

The general council's surrender to the AUEW decision to ballot its members on whether to accept government money for ballots revealed the hopelessness of the TUC's so-called centre's position opening the door to further climb-downs by the general council.

The national leadership of the NUM is today the only leadership of a major union supporting determined and uncompromising resistance to the attacks from the CAROL TURNER reports from Blackpool. DECORATED IN a tasteful two-tone grey with a discreet burnt orange stripe, the Blackpool's to the miners.

Moving NUM comDosILe Arthur Scargill stressed the support pledged vear's congress and the need to continue it while the attacks on the went on unabated. It wasn't just the Coal Board who were opposing the miners, said Scargill, but the whole and its intention was to destroy the entire structure of the trade union movement.

Recalling the 1984 congress decision, and recognis ing the importance of the miners" une tion called on: 'the TUC to immediately campaign and the next Labour government to legislate to provide • 'a complete review of all cases of miners jailed as a result of the dispute. • 'reinstatement of miners sacked for activities arising out of the dispute.

• 'reimbursement the National of Mineworkers and all other unions with all monies confiscated as a result of fines, sequestration and receivership, and *the ending of all pit closures other • than hv exnaustion. saving jobs communities and sateguarding the publicly owned coal TUC platform in Winter Gardens on Monday bore the industry the basis of niceling needs.

To those claiming that the four principles contained in spots be reced a r The replied: resolution not passed, then will represent liability to the whole trade movement. because the miners will feel deserted by the TUC and its affiliates. ' Backfire Opposing the composite on behalf of the general council, Norman achieved his most incompepenollance week. "There some that Culli Cou will want to do, there are some things they must do, began. *First to honour the miners their families engaged that dispute, that great human effort that lasted for that long year ... drone, drone.

Tale reached the point: 'Composite 19 goes so much fur ther, too far. And I regret the unsupportable demands that have been posed to us. The key point, he stressed, was that dealing with reimlost through fines and sequestra tion.

A jeer went up when one of his 'appeals' backfired: *What about fines dividuals? he asked 'A we to say that individuals lost their all, whatever it was. are to be in the cold financially whilst repaid UnIOnS to get Unions couldn't claim 'special status without damaging Labour's chances he tried to explain. "Get off, your knees,' heckled a striking miner in the balcony cern doesn't my job back,' came the quick reply The exchange encapsulated the debate When the composite was won on a hand vote miners and their supporters in the galleries rushed forward. Few imagined the card vote: sim majority or 64,000, would win too.

it did Afterwards delegates visitors discussed result. The banking finance union (BIFTU) had. abstained; had the teachers. But the last minute decision of ASTMS support the composite had swung the result Despite the decided shift to the right of congress as a whole, the debate showed that substantial support for the miners' and their leadership still exists across

----- pull-quotes -----

legend 'you do not stand alone'. Put there in support of GCHQ workers, the subject of congress's first debate, the slogan had been replaced by Tuesday. As far as the general council was concerned, it certainly didn't apply

← South Africa-pages 6-7"The fight to save the NUM is your fight' →

Something wrong on this page?