Africa is developing almost exclusively under democratic slogans and demands: one person one vote, the right to citizenship, the formation of trade unions, struggles over wages and conditions, the destruction of the apartheid state.
This struggle simultaneously involves the creation of mass organisations of the black working class above all today the black trade unions, but also with a potential for huge organisation in the townships.
But what is the relation between democratic demands, mass organisation, and the struggle for socialism? DICK CARTER looks at some developments of Marxist positions on these questions.
One of the most serious errors which exists on the Marxist left in Britain is to consider that a democratic slogan or demand is a 'second best' Issue. lhat the really kev slogans are economic — for the nationalisation of the 200 monopolies, for wage increases etc. That a specific slogan or demand for democratic rights is somehow not Without correcting this British left understand the dynamic of the South African revolution as it unfolds.
This drastic underestimation, and misunderstanding, of the struggle for democratic demands is part of an error termed by Lenin economism. It is a view that fails to see that the decisive question in any great class struggle is politics.
In Lenin's words, take precedence over economics. argue otherwise is to forget the ABC of Marxiam. ' Democratic demands -one person one vote, a constituent assembly, the right to form trade precisely political demands.
Democratic political demands are not simply vital themselves, regard to the working class. They are also in particular the key demands for creating the social alliances without which the working class cannot be victorious.
Trotsky outlined this point with great clarity in regard to Spain, for example, in the 1930s. He dealt with the issue in relation to the decisive alliance for the working class in that country, that with the peasantry, and in regard to students. Students Trotsky wrote in his Tasks of the Spanish Communists: "The fact that demonstraled with tue students is the first step, though still an insufficient and hesitant one, the proletarian vanguard's struggle towards revolutionary hegemony.
"Taking this road that the communists will resolutely, audaciously energeticaliy for democratic siogans. Not to understand this would be to commit the greatest sectarian mass black "advanced' view the quite unable to 'Politics must power hands of the proletariat.
crucial can lead the revolution group the puts forth democratic slogans under on road di presupposes struggle socialist reformists.' Soweto students demonstration in 1977 will have to come into the 'But in this epoch, the proletariat - that is broadest masses of the workers and oppressed around itself and become their leader — only on the condition that it now unreservedly all the democratic demands. in conunction with its own lessen, but would deepen, the working class's clash with the bourgeoisie refused to fight for thorough going Close republican bourgeoisie. On the contrary they create the basis for a victorious struggle against the leftist making it possible disclose its anti-democratic character "The more courageously, resoluteslogans, the sooner it will win over the masses and undermine the support and working class power road of insurrection would be to replace the Marxist conception social revolution with Dakunli s This would be the surest way to ruin the revolution.
The formation of the highest forms of workers organisation workers councils or soviets - would itself unfold on the basis of the struggle for democratic demands. In Trotsky's view on Spain:
"The creation of workers' juntas (soviets) is undoubtedly the principal task of the day. But it is absurd to counterpose the juntas to democratic slogans.
The struggle against the privileges of the church, the abuses democratic orders and monasteries — a purely democratic struggle duced a mass explosion in May. that created favourable conditions for the election of workers's deputies workers councils); unfortunately, counterposed to democratic slogans - but on the contrary are developed in the fight for them of democratic slogans. means:
deceptive assure the workers', soldiers', positions of the toiling masses.' slogans continues rignt to le poll where the workers of the - pro- ning struggle for (to juntas, as organs of the power of institutions of the proletariat, will find democracy have struck.' in of stitution townships leaders, SSRC general mobilising the masses on the basis of to prevent the monarchy from convening a false, conservative Cortes; to convocation of democratic constituent Cortes; and so that this Cortes can give land to the peasants, and do many other things, peasants sovietes must be created to fortify the The struggle around democratic and their allies were so organised that they could directly struggle for proletariat power - something that would occur at the end of the entire process not its beginwould occur through the democratic slogans.
Trotsky wrote: 'At one of the later stages — we do not know when — the themselves opposed to the democratic institutions of the bourgeoisie. Only then will the last hour of bourgeois tative political organisation have a been developed or projected in So in addition to the tr unions and political parties.
In March 1961, following the m upsurge and repression which folk ed the Sharpeville massacre, ting all the people of South took place. This demanded the o vening of a democratically elected nonracial national convention for purpose of drawing up a new a in effect a Constitu Assembly. A general strike called the ANC to fight for this dema however failed amid savage repr sion by the South African regime.
1976 a higher developm took place in Soweto with the forn tion of first the Soweto Repres tative Council (SSRC) and then : Committee of Ten.
The SSRC was formed on August 1976 directly out of the m schools initiated revolt which b started on 17 May. It was based on election of two delegates from ea Similar, less authoritat councils were formed in other bla — Katlehong, Randf Mamelodi, teridgeville/Saulsville, Siba! Seshego, Port Elizabeth, the Triangle townships and elsewhere Working with black trade uni notably Drake Koka, gained the authority to is calls for general strikes of 500,000 bla workers in the Johannesburg area 13-15 September 1976.
The general strike in Joh nesburg was accompanied by a sir of 250,000 workers in Cape Town 15 September 1976, and by sma one day strikes in wide parts of Johannesburg and Cape areas late: September.
The SSRC also called for establishment of a more authoritat black elected body. In June 1977 SSRC secured, with other organi tions, the establishment of the Co mittee of Ten based on promin and individuals Soweto. This issued a plan for creation of a democratically elect council in Soweto, and ur quivocably rejected any contact a imposed appointees of the government.
The Committee of Ten rejer! the racist regime's proposal establish a new Community Coun ill Soweto subject to surellic supervision veto. t inste demanded free elections to a coun that would have final authority o all of Soweto's internal affairs -cluding legislation, taxation, edur tion and the police Undboubtedly a major part of t Committee saw the proposed coun
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these conditions were allowed to slip The reality that soviets are not