Th society and the inability of ice meaningful change. It is a art of an unremitting land. It is a report which is unemployment and one-sided laws.
They fail to note Sinn Fein's commitment - while smashing partition — to work alongside ordinary as many gains as possible within the 6 and 26 Counties.
They also underestimate the intelligence of the republican electorate.
No mention was ever made in the past of the Flags & Emblems Act (banning the flying of the tricolour), the status of the Irish language, ponucal prisoners and their families.
Issues like these, neglected SDLP and Dublin are now elevated to a position of major importance.
The people alc sophisticated. They realise that it is tese issues, Sinn Fein, which makes Inese Issues so important now Our opponents say Sinn Fein needs the imprisonment of our comrades in order to maintain our support base.
How little they understand! They are our brothers and sisters, daughters, husbands or wives, mothers or fathers. They should not be imprisoned at all.
Any change in their conditions will Wing these issues pertinent.
Occupation fruits of victory.
stitutional nationalism so that the long-term.
Apathy with, or loyalists.
The British tion, which people to win ty with Britain.
they have often the conditions of by the improved Soldiers of the Cumann na mBan: 'We rededicate ourselves to match their efforts and sacrifices.' developing nations. alre OCCH SDLP sons ing the Britain may of course make concessions. EEC and US financial aid may be made available as part of a mistaken analysis that we will be undermined. Such concessions are not attributable to the efforts of establishment politicians. They can be claimed by the struggling nationalist people as a minor appetiser on the road to tasting the full The dangers of the present talks lie not in the conclusions that they may or mav not reach, but in their intention of putting a diplomatic veneer on British rule and injecting a credibility to conBritish rule and its interests can be stabilised in Explanations for the doggedness of render the British government in maintaining its occupation ot the 6 Counties are many, including the ridiculous notion mat tney remam tere out of some symobligation to, the tion.
occupation of the 6 Counties is one of political imperialism which has weakened the Irish working class, North and South, because of the absorbing and divisive nature of parti- OLIe created powerful vested interests in the unionist and Irish establishments which have a real affiniSuccessive Dublin governments inherited a tradition of neutrality practice, the battered concept of which stretched. Nevertheless, neutrality is a principle which coincides with the instincts and mood or une Irish peopie wno do not want to be drawn into any imperialist nuclear nightmare and who support the concept of an independent foreign policy relations with the mooted the deputy-leader, among others, has welcomed the idea - that the brin ciple of neutrality be bartered in return for British concessions on the national Not only would such a move be takCounties back into the told 'United Kingdom', but in joining with NATO powers Ireland would be joining the club of imperialists and former colonial nations notorious for their opshould consider also why they, as taxpayers, were being charged f53 per year in 1984 for the 'privilege' of partition when the cost to their British contemporaries was a mere f9 per year. So much for economic planning!
Do not be confused by Dublin or SDLP support for the unionist veto. Northern Protestants have as much right as any other section of the Irish people to shape or veto the shape of any future independent Irish society, unionists have absolutely no right to veto that society's right to national self-determination. They have no right of veto over the British connection. Freedom Dublin often attempts to confuse its acceptance of this veto as being part of a high-minded pluralist approach. It is nothing of the sort. It is merely surreactionary undemocratic assertion of brute force.
Real proof of the Free State parties pluralist credentials is found, for example, in their attitude to divorce legislaFianna Fail backing Catholic hierarchy while Fine Gael and Labour pussy-foot around it. On this related issues, their towards pluralism are exposed. Fein supports demands for divorce and social Iegislation Decause recognise it as a need and basic right for people.
Sinn Fein was formally established 80 years ago this month at a convention in the Rotunda on 28 November 1905. Since then, this country has undergone many changes and in terms of social composition and policies Sinn Fein is a different party.The nature of British rule is different now also, but two fundamental things remain unchanged: the British government still denies us our freedom and we, like the republicans of that period. remain resolute in that struggle for freedom.
I will finish as I began. Inside the visiting area of Pretoria prison, with its glass screen between the visitor and the DESORCE Mamike Moloise spent minutes with her son. She told looked, stronger than I have ever seen him. The next morning he was hanged. He This mother *Freedom is at hand. The struggle must go on, nobody must fear it.
Comrades, the struggle will go on and we do not fear it.
THE DUBLIN talks are about field MP JOAN Hypocrisy on Ireland must stop. The next should untertake to within the lifetime of a single parliament.
the policies Sinn these talks.
They support for Sinn Fein.
last few years. successfully combine the struggle for liberation I agree with Gerry well as in the North.
there's no the loyalists in the North.
typical piece in such an unjust built majority mandered in the Six Counties.
which says 'we're sent'. The unionist removed.
underwrite the unionists. the *Stronger, they don't need to discuss the politics, veto. We've got to change that.
that we intend to leave Ireland withdrawal enmeshing the Six Counties more 'sense. closely to Britain, argues ShefMAYNARD.
government withdraw begin ANY fruits of the Dublin talks won't difficult be the sort that will be in any wa helpful to a united Ireland. I think they are, in fact, the reverse: how to enmesh the Six Counties more closely essentat with Britain to keep Ireland divided. I don't see any good coming out of The would never have taken place had it not been for the growth in Under the leadership of Gerry Adams, Sinn Fein has made tremendous strides over the They have begun to socialism and the struggle for national Adams that OSCUSS UH Sinn Fein should start organising 1r the South. It's essential that Sinn Fein should build up a base down there as We aren't going to get any steps towards a real solution from this Tory government. But the same will apply to our government, unless we can get To a certain accept that united consent of the brothers I consider that position to be a of British hypocrisy.
First of all, when we divided Ireland stop way, we did it without the consent of the majority of the Irish people. It's a particular irony tion. now to talk about reversing that process only with the consent of an inthat gerryWe've got to shift Labour away contradictory position in favour of a United Ireland but it must be by conveto must be I would like to see the party saying that we are no longer prepared, and won't be as a Labour government, to position of the Some unionists are sufficiently realistic to appreciate that they can no longer block a solution to the question of Ireland. At the moment sit down because of the I believe an essential ingredient for months the next Labour government is to say - In a learnt?
back military, a political and an economic We should make a commitment to do it within the next parliament. If we don't there'll be people trying to drag that out in order to see it doesn't happen. So I think Labour should set the limit of one parliament.
That kind of declaration would absolutely transform the situation in Ireland. I don't suggest for one moment that it won't be very - there aren't any easy solutions to the horrific problem that we have created in Ireland by dividing it in the way we did. But I believe the complete withdrawal from Ireland and withdrawal of our support for the unionists' position.
Committee Ireland had done good work in raising the question of Ireland within the party. That needs to be expanded. Their resolution to this year's conference was excellent. It asked for a campaign against the Prevention of Terrorism Act, against the use of plastic bullets - which are now very much on the agenda — and it called for a general throughout the movement. That's what we should be campaigning for I don't think there would be great opposition in the Labour Party to the idea of a united Ireland and our withdrawal. That may not be for the reasons that I would be in favour of.
extent it would be because British people must be tired of having their sons, husbands and killed over there. I'm convinced that people are sick of the kill ing which is going to go on.
There's no way it's ever going to until WC decide to make a declaration that we will leave. Now it's no good just making the declaraWe have to use the intervening period to try to bring together all the various parties in both the North and South, and we ought to disarm the I understand the difficulties. But difficulties are there to be overcome, they're not there to be used as a barrier against doing what is right.
who said that the British working class would never be free whilst the Irish working class is in chains. I have made that same point over the years. I say to comrades you can't retain freedom for yourself and deny it to others' Lots of people who were involved in the miners' struggle, who previous. ly had great faith in the police, longer have any faith in them at all I'm sure that during that practical struggle which they conducted for 12 they must have asked themselves 'where were these tactic
Socialist Action 15 November 1985
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cracy in South Africa, le East, Adams' report lays