challenge.
lies in sectarianism, the idea that somehow you can go on dividing and subdividing till you're onwith whom you wholly eyewith people agree. I don't believe that splitting the party is right. I don't believe that leaving the party is right. who say, in ertecl, hope. That's absolutely wrong, in the past who have left, like the ILP, have withered on the bough.
We have got to accept if by that is mean!
about.
revolution. that we've had There are people revo not.
there 1s reform.
Those governments that the have to enfranchise the working people and that is what the statute book is I also think there's some confusion in arguments about about reform verMy complaint is not reform rather but that we haven't had All the periods. of Labour nave manipulated the system, sometimes to our advantage as the in '45, but we have never changed the power structure. And it's that failure to about at this conference today. political consciousness, the central role of women in the strike as an independent reinforcing element, the link with the black community, with the struggles, 'and so on, came out of it Also, as I'm sure must be becoming apparent, the militancy of the so-called white collar workers is rising. Look at the teachers, look at the nurses, look at GCHO people anyone thinks that because you've moved to a certain level inal somenow excludes The Irish who
8 Socialist Action • continued part in, culminating in the women's conterence. ur course ut is not in tne constitution, but they will produce an elected siate, wnich l nope tne whole movement takes elects them all onto the executive.
We've got affiliations and we've got to recreate the socialist tradition within the labour movenenl. task is about.
When you look at that and ask how do you actually do it, the answer is that we must root it in experience. approach people with a textbook say 'on page 88 this was said in 1883'. That would be bibliolatry, people used to stick a pin in the bible to read their fortune.
You can't approach socialism that way. It's got to be people's experience, it's got to be about whose side you're on, miners dr biverpoor or me peopic in Tottenham. Any other basis is going to fail. It's got to build solidarity, it's got to develop internationalism.
My approach to internationalism is very, very simple. They' ve got the same problems in South Africa that we've got here. We were a developing country till a couple ef hundred years ago. After all. the collective what it was like in feudal hasn't changed. England is still a feudal you just need to see the COunUV opening or parlamen on television co realise that. There was the chief on her ‹too: there were the wise men of the tribe with long hair (they judges); there were the robed as bishops; and there were the tand, tes a sared mays wis mne lords dressed animal land. third world that is going to internationalism real.
We have got to campaign for basic demands and build our broad alliance on the demand for jobs, the demand for homes. the demand tor schools. the demand for health care, for dignity when vOle equality and an end to discrimination, and the demand for peace. We have got 1o approach socialism forms of experience of exploitation.
Believe 1t or not document the executive's home pollev committee last Monday saying that we were going to nave a Dolcv lor diose wno wee nul employed, lilke woman at home, as if those who work to raise a family werc somehow non-employed people. experience of exploitation may come just because you are a woman oi black or gay.
Unleis we onen ourselves to those experiences in the way that the trade union affiliation opens up the party to working experience in factories and pits, we're not going to develop good policies. We've must look again at the concept of the manifesto. vears spent mv time trving to get the manifesto under the control of the national executive, though when 1 look at the executive now I wonder if it was worthwhile.
We cannot have composed of promises public by politicians.
22 November 1985 up and then national up You can't Wildc SOLu rooted whether it's memory of England call them wilch-aoclors make the demand old. • LOT VOS X through we had some national The well We make them trom a manitesto of promises Chesterfield that. There, For many election and memoershio nas electionse, We've defence campaign.
manifesto made to the The manifesto SOL DARN ANGE has got to be redefined as meaning Is also those demands we make here and now.
when Thatcher's in power, we make them when Labour's there, we make them if Owen's there. A manifesto of demands is quite different of the oraricnes I mention this only briefly, but in the we're trying to do just arising out of the bythe miners' our gone un trom 300 t 1500. We got a 12 per cent increase in our the Labour vote at the county council got community We've got group international committee set up now. (I don't know if other constituencies have done it.) That international committee TROOT THE ID RIl BL MARE going work with Apartheid, with the black groups in the area. It's going to be an international commițțee that centre internationalism built into the structure We've got workplace We need plans prepared for future: local government legislation, and obiective which we're discussing at our own conference in about four weeks' time.
The policies we're demanding manifesto must be for employment. I know the Million Jobs A Year pamphlet which the Campaign endorsed not COCHICCL actually at root of most of the questions of black people and women is mass unemployment. Unless we can ANC Anti tackle that problem, seriousiy, you're not going to be able to do more than a cosmetic job.
The manifesto, in my opinion, must include the withdrawal from Ireland All this latest media Fitzgerald and Mrs going to work. The include a policy ot non-angnment ll British foreign policy: to take us out of DeCauSG in being seen more clearly. It must include full common land and of major companies. But not a common ownership which ends up with a Macuregor OI but one which allows people who make the wealth to make the decisions that influence the bist os they DIsnop of man establishmen1 accountability:
recall suggestion: that When barracks It's when properly.
PymR als wels.
La lancy onrase happening solicitors properly. earlier happening do are learning.
AlEC hype about Thatcher is not action.
manifesto must NATO's nature Lords ownership of the banks, anete •a kobens in charge. there tolbalc done at all. enterprises in which they work.
If you look back over the histor the nineteenth century and our wh history, you will find that it is 1 democratic challenge they fear mos They can live with socialist rhetori can live with the Arel canterour on Easte Sunday talking about the brotherhoa — so long as nothing happer till next Easter Sunday.
Bishmeri s really threatenineman accountability ots unions. to their members, of lo government to their own communiti of industry to those who work in 1 accountability in foreign and defen policy and party democracy put back on the agenda. I agree with the right o I've gol a ncs radic We should have socialist on every shortlist. We have ge lo prepare lt all now Can I just say this in conclusion is a very hard time in a way, but it is al a time for action and a time for hope. find that reading labour history is rea encouraging because almost everythi that's happening has happened mat many times before.
Chesterfield 1 remembered that that government sent the Dublin Fusiliet during the miners' strike of 1893, anc again in 1910. In the 1820s I remember they were hanging Luddites all over th place, literally hanging them. They had built after the Frenc revolution, which frightened the Britist establishment quite as much as th Russian revolution. . They built militar barracks in all the industrial towns.
GIf anyone demands more than is currently on offer from the top it means you are charged with impossiblism, and hence trying to lose the election.9 all happened before difference between then and now is tha those people worked for different society they didn't know it was possible. We know they were able to make gains. In that sense we're doin it again, and this time we intend to do it The system is in crisis and neither Thatcher nor Macmillan, nor Heath nor Steel, had any rea What gives me the feeling of confidence now — because I do have it verv a—s tat nuc dru ni people are learning what it's all really anour conuca consc oasess side that's what I even met lawyers in Chesterfi on Friday who came to complain abo whar's happened to them under tl new Crown Prosecution Service, wert being 'BICA The nurses came two talking about what them. Capitalism attacking the professions as well as thi manual working class. A lot of peop we have surely • Icarit something else from the last year. don't need permission betore we take The Greenham Common women didn't need permission, Arthur Scargill didn't need permission. If he had written to Len Murray, he woukt still be waiting for a letter on House of COlc-valcl telling him to go The capacity to take action is vested are roundo for hope nd grounds hope confidence: so long as we're clear that we either do it ourselves or it won't be
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"Socialism has got to be rooted in people's experience, it's got to be about whose side you're on. It's got to build solidarity, it's got to develop internationalism. 9