SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

Sovereignty

· Socialist Action No. 124, 6 December 1985 · pp. 6-7 of the scan · 409 words

The scan: 124-dec-06-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 4-4 of 7; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 6 of the scan

community. But it quickly became A Labour government ought to tell the unionists firmly and unequivocally that they intend to with- of draw militarily and politically from policy is to resolve that contradiction by breaking the pulitical mobilisation the nationalist community smashing Sinn Fein. That is the objective of the Anglo-Irish agreement and by endorsing it Kinnock renounces all pretence of any independence of the Parliamentary Labour Party from the Tories on the Irish question.

A labour movement incapable of distinguishing itself from the Tories on the most longstanding colonial ques ion in British history will not capable of achieving anything damental for the British working class.

That is the meaning of the House of Commons vote, and that is why the 13 Campaign Group Labour MPs were so correct to vote against. Their signals that their solution to the Irish question lies through uniting the British government for signatory to an international agreement which recognises over the six North Eastern counties of Ireland. Dublin explicitly allows the artificially created loyalist majority in the six counties to veto the right of the Irish people as a wnole to sen-acter mination.

Security involve Dublin more directly in the be military defence fun- statelet. scheduling of an early meeting between Lawrence Wren, Garda and Sir John Herman, chief constable the vote stabulary, step security operations KID! NOBODY'S REALLY INTERESTED!

the first time British sovereignty Orange loyalist militia, organisations, A key function of the accord is to Wing Its first fruit has been the statesmar commissioner of the Royal Ulster cross-border In exchange for all this an interWHAT WAS ALL THAT ABOUT?

KNOW... SOME CRAZY MICK... WHINGING AS PER USUAL!

YOU NEST OF VIPERS! WE'RE " BRITISH!

Even the most blatant mechanisms of orange supremacy remain intact -Diplock courts, strip searching in Armagh. The Ulster Defence Regiment, which is nothing more than a sectarian with a membership overlapping with loyalist paramilitary will remain in place There are no provisions to end sectarian discrimination in jobs and housThus the claim by Tribune and New SENS accord has something to do with progress towards a united Ireland is demonstrably false. It is an agreement by the Dublin government to help the British state pacify the six counties In that sense it does reflect Britain's YC

page 7 of the scan

Socialist Action 6 December 1985

----- pull-quotes -----

I BEG YOUR PARDON?

I SAID, " THE PRADDYSTUNT PEE-"

A PIECE Of the ACTION FORGET IT,

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