Socialist Action No. 126, 10 January 1986
The scan: 126-jan-10-1986-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
1986: THE YEAR OF SOUTH AFRICA
ACTION SociAlist BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM
Inside:
South Africa's new union p8 The paper the Left needs po
woman candidate p3
No. 126 10 January 1986 30p
Vladimir Derer defends Liverpool p5
Diane Abbott, Labour's first black
The hidden witch-hunt p5
Page 2 scan of this page
2 Socialist Action 10 January 1986
Socialist
AGTION
More repression in
Ireland ANY IDEA that the Anglo-Irish Accord was either about steps to a united Ireland, or even 'democratisation' of the six county statelet, should have been firmly crushed by the events since the Accords signing on 15 November.
First came the Tom King, Secretary of State for. Northern Ireland, notorious statement that: in Northern Ireland now we have agreement in which the Ireland has in fact accepted that, for all practical purposes and into perpetuity, there will never be a united Ireland.'
Then there was the sending of 550 extra British troops to the North at the end of the year.
Accompanying this was the outcome of the Harry Kirkpatrick supergrass trial - which involved frame-ups SO SDLP's John Hume and Southern Irish Foreign Secretary Peter Barry were led to protest. Those trials led to new hunger prison by those framed-up by Kirkpatrick.
The events of 1985 were then ended on 28 December by a wave of arrests of Sinn Fein election workers and councillors - this being an ob-
vious attempt to disrupt Sinn Fein's campaign for the forthcoming by-elections.
These arrests led to further frame-ups - the
most blatant being that against Owen Carron former and
managh and South Tyrone.
The charge against Carron is possessing a
and ammunition. and the police harassment against him,
little thought shows that Carron would have to
be a lunatic to be in possession of a rifle. The
charge is a blatant frame-up.
Martin McGuiness, Sinn Fein's direction of
elections, who was
police raids,
Belfast on 7 January that the police harassment
was simply designed to prevent Sinn Fein cam-
paigning for the elections - and therefore to at-
tempt to prevent it showing what support it had
among the nationalist population in the North.
Twenty-six County
FitzGerald admitted that
agreement's purpose is to withdraw from them
(Sinn Fein) in Northern Ireland whatever vestige
of support there may be for them amongst the
minority community.
As the Accord does nt even give any mean-
ingful limited concessions to
population the sole means of 'isolation' which is
available for attempting to separate Sinn Fein
from their supporters is increased repression:
the Accords are going to mean in practice.
• In Strabane, mother of three Margaret Boyle,
a Sinn Fein activists, was taken from her house
leaving her young children crying and alone
there.
• Dungannon Sinn Fein councillor
Cassidy was charged with possession of an
plosive substance
flare which Cassidy had acquired as a souvenir
several years previously!
• Hugh Brady, another
was arrested
November. Brady was detained for two days for * movements during
questioning before he
when it was discovered that he had been held in
detention during the period in question!
The reality of the Anglo-Irish Accord is clear. It is
a charter for increased repression in the North
and for cementing British rule in the six coun-
ties.
Labour MPs who voted against the Accord when
it was discussed in parliament did exactly the
right thing.
should follow their example.
Registered as a newspaper with the Post Office.
Publisned by barn creepo Printed By Laneridge Ltd. (TU). London E2.
signed an prime minister blatant that even the
strikes in Long Kesh Sinn Fein candidate in Fer-
Given his prominence even a
also arrested during the was quite right when he said in
prime minister Garret the (Anglo-Irish) the nationalist
The details of that repression show just what
•Seamus
This was a harmless UDR
Sinn Fein councillor,
and ordered to account for his
two day period
speedily released wau The 13 members of the Campaign group of
The rest of the labour movement
DO Rox 50. London NI
THE PUBLIC roW between Michael Heseltine and Leon Brittan, Secretary for Trade and Industry, is one of the most spectacular inner-cabinet battles of FREEMAN asks what lies behind it.
On 14 January Westland Helicopter's shareholders will declae werner lo sell out to American or European capitalists. The fury of the dispute, and the
lined up around il, clearly show that it involves some of the most decisive issues confronting British capital.
Heseltine has launched total war. The entire staff
departement, together with their vassals in the Foreign Office, are lined up for all the world like a mediaeval baron's
He has mobilised retinue. some of the most senior industrial figures in Britain including the heads British Aerospace and GEC.
His European consor-
Most significant are the
lorensee used
and ge! Westland into it.
says il will lake away million
worth of defence orders
for six King helicopters unless West-
land accepts the European
Westland has
Sulullull.
been told it will be frozen
oul of European markets
and denied all forms
technological cooperation
in European projects. The
French company
Aerospaciale, which
threatened
withdraw WOlK already
contracied to Westland.
Row
What lies behind the
row? The affair is the pro-
duct of a great sea-change
in world politics — Ine re-
emergence of open inter-
imperialist competition. Il
highlights the choice con-
fronting British capital
WaCH unactics the
'realignment? now going
on in British politics: the
Heseltine plays the
European card
Defence Secretary
postwar years. ALAN
choice between European and US imperialism.
Heselline has grasped three things. Fire USA alliance with the which has kept Britain in its place as a world power by itself for British capital
Second. there Is now a
price to be paid by British capital for staying outside the unification European capitalist rusts lynchpin is the EEC.
USA
Third, in cerlain fields this process of unification now has sufficient political weight, and sufficien! objeclive basis behind il, 1o offer a genuine alternative for British capital.
Of aciors,
are the from across Atlantic.
Thatcher already ice
the is demanits imperialist in the BROS way. Having headed the
sign up Strategic SDI) -Star
Wars. i public
To place lefence only 1o lose the contract.
Reagan's presidency
openly ushered in a pul
America first' policy: The US can no longer, as it did
after the war, promote the
growth of the rest of the
capitalist world by
flooding i1 with capilal
On the contrary. Reagan
look the US economy off
the floor after
slump at the expense of his
partners. erstwhile
arch-priest of monetarism
(now officially • a dead religion) ran up a govern. mell deficit of around $150 billion - bigger than Spain's annual product — and financed it by borrow1ng from the rest of the world.
This policy was not a foible of Reagan's. Slowly but inexorably, the US has OS weight within the world imperialist system
The US began the fifties with Tead. huge technological could produce everything from corn to cars cheaper than anyone else in world 1 Cos squen e, ee true. In Consoucile. US is being flooded with imports which it pays
by borrowing. Last year the US imported nearly $180 billion more than it exported. Even its agricultural surplus fell from $1.6 billion 1o $369 million, willie Europe's share of world food markets doubled
Last year, for the first time since 1914, the USA became a net debior na-
tion.
Decline
However the USA. is not just going to step aside and let someone else lake
over. Moreover it begins
with a huge advanage: Is ine biggest capitalis. stale in the world
The US is now resorting, lo exacily the same
tactics that Britain launch-
ed into last century when
its own decline began, and
has used ever since 10 great
effect. It is using its state,
its financial weight, and its
military supremacy
reconquer what it is losing
economically.
The US is in trease ils
abandoning free trade.
policy aim is lo secure the
best trading deal il can for
ilself by direci, bilateral
negotiations with parl-
ners. As the departing
Commissioner
culoocali
for Agriculture remarked
October: *Gatt (the
world trade
already dead and bilateralism is king. The A mercans w dovul a. much concern about Gall as aboul their first blue jeans.
10 secure such bilateral deals, and lo en-
trading partners SuIC cannot secure COllI petitive advantage
of muscle it can muster.
last ycal Reagan designated $2 billion dollars to subsidise US Liall exports alone, which the Herald Tribun described as weapon against European exporlers. rather than
maleconomy in USA.
No less : than 300 protectionist bills have now been introduced into the Con
and a phenomena anti-Japanese campaign Is under way to force volunlary restraint on Japanese capital.
Military
US policy came 10 a head wilh Star Wars. Star Wars BO| simply military. project but an
It is designed confront
offer cannot contracts with US
high access
The the West Stut-
extruel plained that Pen-
Western high and
need
German are
cluded American
basic Divides
the
supremacy Annelal
project internal
unity' was in-
cluding possible
removal of
barriers
velos
1992 more
unified
Monetary
unification
The French
port, for the
European answer
SDI'.
spell our Germany's
Hans-
"he need
for light,
decisive co-
lion,
Iy for Europe.'
The European states
are not strong enough
break from the USA The
West German Handels-
blatt explained •West Ger-
man goals al this slage as
*dealing with Americans coh as singls
voice'
General Abrahamson,
News
selling Star Wars specified it should mean 'a great number of very small and very specific CUlE tracts': that IS, the USA
with EuroWants cal pean capitalists one one. • not all al once. The European states want 1o
unified, protec tionist DIOC CLO their US 'allies' trampling
them by such divide and rule tactics
Equally, they want. 1o begin building up the
clout which wil millary allow them to challenge the USA seriously for th allegiance. of third-world neo-colonial regimes.
This is why ine most central projects for Euro-
unification are Dcall military. EEC
member states have reviv. ed a moribund body called the 'Western European Union' which exists 10 coordinate heir military "olhi projecs like the Tornado sher mere stepped Éuropean
up.
France, whose nuclear capacity now outstrips Britain's, look the lead.
ting British this
and re
financial imperialist
Its secure because military and
ing . industrial Dase
From onwards
this has
junior asi d
from
extract
Western
tions of capital,
particularly its in-
worried the bankers
still
200U
the
Jus on being
dictats. French
aerospace
capital
lion
weight of
capital in the parinership
also means increasing
strain berween British
canilal and the United
States.
other sections of British
capilar do not want to pay.
Page 3 scan of this page
Politics TodS
IAM:= seased io have
boce seered as Labour's prospective parliamentary
andidate for Hackney
OlIC ot the
safest seats in the country, so l imagine I will become the first black woman MP. But I was taken aback by the volume of press
this has generated. There wasn't such coverage when the other black candidates were selected.
By treating me as some
sort ot amazing _oneno menom, the press society's is
fact revealing very low expectalions ol black people in general and black ticular. It is important to
out that there are lots terribly talented black women around -Is Just unal sociely Is structured that they are not noticed.
At the last general election, Hackney North had
lurnout, only
one of the effects of my candidacy will be generate a little more excitement and hence a bigger turnout.
will be moving Hackney because I want 10 get involved on a day-loday basis with the party. It used to be the case that most innercity MPs didn't actually live in their consti-
They dived In the suburbs and only came in!
time 1o time. Bul people like Jeremy Corbyn have changed that. He lives in Islingion, and much more based there than he is in Ene House of Commons.
Il will be important to Flaked personal
with people
Tony Benn's by-election in Chesterfield: he horrendous press bul one of the reasons he had such a successful campaign was that he was able lo gel around and meet people. He worked meticulously on the doorstep.
And 1am particularly concened CLO WOlK with local groups, particularly ethnic groups. lo a cerlain extent until recently. the ethnic groups have existed in a kind of client relationship to the party. I want 1o try and break that down by gelling more black people, especially black people, into the parly. And it works the other way: 1o get the party more involved in issues of concern.to black people.
For example, ember overhearing a conversatiol versatioll selection process. Somebody said: course snes rgnl wing' Someone else asked: 'How
was: "You can tell by ihe Issues sne laiks about. one lalks aboul education.'
Because il is not a parlicular preoccupation of the white left at this time, education gets discounted. But it is a lerribly big issue among black people. Black people in Hackney tell me that if there is one thing that can get black people ou! to a meeting it's education.
Blue poll is to gel ine party 10 lake the issues that concern black people much more seriously. Obviously I would like 1o see Hackney. black in
The party has already laken a decision in principle to ser one up.
that question of working with black peopie and not or making pronouncements about what should happen and what should not happen.
and the left
It is very important to say that without the black
probably us black candidates would lave been selected. Il was the black
sechion's campaign that raised the issue of black representation. It's also the case for me that, without the support of the black section and especialSharon kikins, black women like have never survived the seleciion process. It was a very gruelling process UcLausc callic licuickuous personal atlack
would like 10 see women's issues taken as a more serious priority for the Hackney North party as well. And I know that there is enthusiasm in the
work around ihese.
A lot of party members were loyal Ernie Roberts and quite correctly, is an excellent Hackney could have gult for shortlist of one. But they didn'l, they choose reselection and now the parly is uniting around that selection.
Afler the selection conference many people said how pleased they were that a woman had been selected
candidale. There was a real feeling that they wallcul SCCI women's issues raised.
Careerism
Having said that, obviously YUu will find
among black Carcelsil people as well as winle But the answer, the check on black-careerism, is the
pedle in the labour move-
And thal's why
THE FUSS by the press at the selection of Labour's first black woman candidate reveals the low expectations that society has about women and black people says DIANE ABBOTT, Hackney's new prospective parliamentary candidate. But such prejudices aren't confined to the bourgeois press, she told CAROL TURNER. The white male left is just as reluctant to accept that women and black people are every bit as socialist as men.
Black people, women
support black sections.
Of course sociely will conceed some token black MPs. Black representation on its own doesn't necessarily change anything ICIC have been black congressmen in the United States since the '30s. Has that made a difference?
No.
Black al e
aboul black people organising autonomously and thal. involves black represenlation al all levels constituency GCs, school councillors, MPs. The crucial thing is black people lIlvolved in the Labour Parly. If that involvement exists, then we don't need while people 1o tell us we shouldn'l become MPs because there is a danger of careerism: black people can deal with our Careersis.
That is what black seclons are about: the full mass involvement of black people.
I have never said thal black people becoming councillors or MPs, or even black people having full involvement in the Labour Party is the end-all and be-all. Il isn't. believe that black people must have a iwopronged strategy. One part
volvement in mainsiream politics the other aboul building strong, independenı black organisalions outside mainstream politics.
While people oflen say that black people aren't inlerestea in politics. But there is a lot of organisation within the black community 1l's lusi inal li isn't within the paramelers of white politics. Black
churches and community they around issues of policing,
Diane Abbott
for example the Groce Campaign and the Jarret Campaign.
Independent black cultural and political
mainstream politics and a strong black presence inside mainstream politics are both necessary. What
is ore ther. There will
on the other. will
strong naCK presence mainstream politics without strong, independent organisations outside. And there won't
strong cultural and political organisations out side without a strong presence in mainstream politics.
Community
bene an acuve consu luency-based MP, linking in the area, and taking up black •CODIC S and women's issues in a big wav are all an imporlan! part for me of being Labour candidate and Labour MP. I am keen to discuss all inis with constituency that we
SU Cal our canall underway from now on.
The thing about being an vir Is inal you ve gol e platform, people listen 1o
Some ol Campaign group MPs, for example. have been able Ic use the fact that they are MPs
calll paigns in a way that is just nol open 1o labour movement activists or even lo Labour councillors.
Using the access 1o the media that you have as an MP 1o promole campaigns and trying lo act as a kind of a caralysi is a benefit. But I'm sort adherent to the slogan that
voting would, change things it would be banned!
To save
Hounslow
Hospital
I do think you can go overboard on ine поно! what an MP can do. Let me make myselt clear. Power
One of the things that was brought home 10 me very early on was the fact that power in this country doesn' entirely lie parliament. The first job I had when I left university was working for te mome Office graduate trainee. That me that power in this society lies in the institutions of the Stale: the police, the
and so on. And power also lies in the City, in the financial institutions
'Il is wrong to imagine that just by taking office the Labour Party, let alone
individual MP will necessarily bring about far-reaching changes. Far. reaching change this Society more complex process.
So I don't see being an MP as the apex of the pontical process, only as a part of that process: with
access. and platforms that others don't have. The job of an MP is working with the rest of the around campaigns, rather than seeing themselves as ine pinnacle of the process.
That is the first thing lo be said about being an MP. and it applies 1o all candidates. But the issue
black parliamentary candidates has raised other questions. li has created a debale on the left about careerism and this has
tradictions for the white left. There has been similar débate about selecting women candidates.
Socialist Action Joser.
I take ex:== assump:iobecause you're less
olitically core: aKeN be gord winger. I've heard that argument tor a long time
For example, remembe Ken Liv. ingstone making such speech at a Labour Parti conference Briefing fringe meeting. He talked about how very dangerous it was to choose candles the colour of their skin or their
SCA. rather than whether they supported socialist policies. And look what happened Ken Livingstone!
• peone who get upset about black careerists don't seem think that the same pro. blem applies to white men. The fact is that at the moment there are black MPs. wouldn't have thought that the most imminent threat to the party was from black careerism.
same amount worry, concern, and anguish lo the notion of white men ocule careens as unev al to women or black people What underlies
llla resistance and a hostility to the idea of black being selected full stop.
not fashionable politically correct 1o say that you object : to black people being selected, so
SUPPORT
TRIB
WORKERS
Registration in advance
EEL.
and black peopie: tionship to the left. Basic. ally they see black people clients the left, and LaKe senious exception to black people getting involved in politics Themselves same level The underlying adherence to 'clientism' is the problem of the walle er not the problem of black careerism Prejudice
That is my answer to all the 'discussion within party about black careerism The national black sec tion movement has met Wild excessive hostility from sections of the white
dressed this up › as a con with ideological puri ty it reflects all subconscious prejudice about black peo ple: almost as it we can' be ideologically pure be cause our brains are too small to take in the theory.
But, at the end of the day, people will be judged by their actions and by what they do Labour Women's Action Committee Annual General Meeting 11 January, 10am till 6pm Manchester Town Hall, Albert Square
Accommodation:
WAC supporters arriving on Friday night should mee at the Kensingion pub, upstairs room, Newion Street
(near Piccadilly)
, 56 Milton Road,
Page 4 scan of this page
Justice for miners
Pit women plan conference
4 Socialist Action THE CAMPAIGN group of MPs, together with the NUM, Women Against Pit Closures and support groups up and down the country, Justice for Miners Campaign at the end of last year. It will fight for the policy of composite resolution 69, passed overwhelminghly at Labour Party conference last year.
The Campaign group will be introducing a Bill, the Justice for the Mineworkers Bill. ILLO Dallament. on 26 February to coincide with a mass lobby of parlament which the campaign is calling. This
By Jeremy Corbyn, MP
Willi weekend of activities cul- followed by
minating in a mass rally and a concert in the Albert Hall, UIl Saturday March.
This campaign is vital. If we can't stand by the miners, who can we support?
Eighteen months agọ, when the miners were the front line, everyone was falling over themselves with declarations of support. Now it seems as though a lot of people are
distance themselves from the
But it is the same battle 18 months ago
nothing has changed. Kin-
nock's speech, in which he
sala inal a lulure Laboul government wolld not
remoulse partially to blame for that the luicis
CK O SuDoOll
But the Campaign
group of MPs is unani-
fair.
There was strong con-
cern expressed at the first
conference last September
that the structure and
By Carol Turner
direction of the national
movement must be decid-
ed with the maximum in-
volvement of the women
from the local groups.
This time round the
WAPC national commit-
tee is recommending that
conrerence Corsis
coalfield area delegations,
ENCi basis one
delegate per pit still in ex-
salte. • 'That doesn't mean
that each delegate has lo
come from that pit,' ex-
plained Kim Young, dinapor: su supral carra national COOL-
dinator.
decide whether their
delegates are close
relatives of miners of not.
But it does seem likely
that the conterence will be
a closed one. 'Il's not that
00 I Walll wollci
from outside the mining
communities involvec
We donm mant to give
don't want lo give
that impression - women
who aren't miners relatives
involved WAPI
groups. The 75-25 per cent
formula is working well in
the areas.
'But having said that,
we also don't want people
trom outside organisa-
tions disrupting our con• ference; which is what
10 January 1986
launched the
Photo: GM COOKSON
Jeremy coroyn mous in supporting ame the
for Miners JUSLICC pil c. We are circulating
constituency parties. We are touring the country 1o build the campaign and speaking at meetings at all the regional party con1C CHES
We are also fully behind the campaign to defend Notts NÜM. On behalf of the Campaign group, I took part in a recent meeting there organised Notts Women Against Pit Closures.
The campaign against the UDM has much wider support amongst MPs. that a 'kid glove' has atki glyped by ahe
by the labour movement. So far
Battle nas been aone about the peole who are WOMEN FROM the mining communities are gearing up for the second national conference of Women Against Pit Closures, likely to be early in the spring. And this time it's definitely a voting af-
happened last time. !l is important that the feelings of areas aboul ine direction O UVS' Hitlil, ils struclures and campaigns, are looked at thoroughly this CUlL' ference.
Keso unions have already been submitted and circulated 10 all groups The closing date for amendments 20 Jan-
lary, lo allow them to go
10 the national committee meting of 25 January and
the standing orders
on 10 committee which will ar-
range the agenda and
other conference details.
The weekend of 5-6
April is under discussion,
but the final dale for the
weekend ¡lay be later.
But, whatever its dale
will be held
Coic Clc
again in Sheffield.
Unity
Judging from resolu-
lions, this second con-
ference will Witness
mood of unitv and deter
mination to continue
gnung on tne issues lac-
ing the mining COUE
munities. The April con-
ference, 100, will lake
Solle clear decisions
organisation, such as what
membership and affilia-
lion structure for
and how widen
representation on the na-
tional committee.
question Livlily
last September, about the
relevant today as it was during the miners strike UDM members in the Labour Party or about derecognition of the UDM. But The Notts city parties have laken the first steps
though Clive Jenkins' call for 'federaton of mining unions' didn't help, lo say the least.
dusse. union, used by the Coa
Num o ra smormos
NUM. enormous media effort is going into trying to secure its recogni-
MORLAM SCO
SAVE NOON F role of ex-officio members ot the nationa commitlee has occasioned a flood of resolutions in support ot
the work done by people
like Ann Scargill and Betty
Heathfield. une from
North Yorkshire is typical.
'Recognising the loyalty of
ex-officio members', it
calls on conrerencc '10
place a vote of confidence'
in them and their work.
Many of the resolu-
tions, fact, concern
themselves with structure
functioning
WAP( movement, But
policy isn'l absent. Neither
is the determination
continue fighting for af
filiate status of the NUM.
Not surprisingly, Notts
WAPC lead the way on the
fight in defence of the na-
lional union.
resolution demands the
Labour Party leadership
KEEP FIGHTING
Defend
the
NUM
DEFEND
T.U.
DINLITA Defending the NUM and all trade union rights is every bit as
tion by the Labour Party. The UDM is spending vast amounts ot money. with Coal Board support. Il sends letters all over the place and all MPs get its newspaper free The aim is 1o isolaie the NUM.
Notts NUM loyalists urgently need support and wider recognition from the labour movement The Campaign group of MPs wants campaign for non-recognition, speaking al lodge meetings in Notts area and in support luccuss.
WOMEN AGAINST PITCLOSURES/NUM
NUMAREAS CUMBERLAND DERBY DURHAM• KENT NORTHWESTERN •
LECISTER MIDLANDS NORTHUMBERAYD. NORTH WALE
LAND•S.PER SHRE SWIFT
ITAL CAMPA nOR84 FO Women Against Pit Closures in conference last September
implement the Darly Lull" ference policy of reinstatement for dimissed miners and the return of NUM second urges WAPC Io campaign to en sure recognition of the UDM is ulla the nonfully upheld by the Labour Pary. third resolution from Notts calls on all WAPC groups lo support Notts women in their campaign to stop the spread of the brcakaway While a fourth calls on conference to remember the interna lional solidarity shown during the strike and to affiliate 1o the Anti Apartheid Movemeni.
Way forward 'Notts women have put forward resolutions on the way forward for WAPC
DEFEND
TU.
RICHTS
OHN CHAPMAN
Dhato.
THERE are seven weeks to go until the Justice for Mineworkers concert and rally in the Albert Hall on Saturday 2 March.
Sixteen already booked including Style Council, Elvis Costello, the Annie Baldwin band and the Flying Pickets. And Scargill.
and Heathfield Shell among others, will address the rally.
The rally comes at the end of a week of activities
said Pam Oldfield, Notts
the national
uc cyale
committee. we wanl tc
campaign around amnesty
for the sacked miners and
to make sure the union's
funds are rembursed. And
we must continue our
overall CanDalell at all
levels, against the closure
O OILS
'Importan! 100 is the
fight against tne vcak-
away. This is a top priorițy
Nolts.
olher areas 100.
'Many areas don'i
reause us ow careciou.
the breakaway is. Il's nol
just a matter of stopping
any more lillicis from
joining the UDM. Even if
not another single one
joined, the management
ch æe æ davs
as a stranglehold over the
Hallal ullell
"Sadly, the Labour
for sacked and jailed miners and will follow march from the Jubilee Gardens, County Hall, via the Coal Board headquarters in Victoria.
On the previous Wednesday sacked miners will lobby parlament when it is presented with the Campaign group's Bill.
The build-up for the week s events starls Iow
mid-January sacked miners tron all over the country will arrive in London to start organising it.
They Will based Greenwich and working from The anonr Party rooms there, using it as an organising centre.
In every area of the country Parties trade unions and support
Ang broad-based marring
broad-based meeting in support of the Bill, for the release of jailed miners and for the reinstatement
Justice for Mineworkers Campaign The campaign can be contacted via the London office (details on elsewhere or this page) or by contacting: Durham Mechanies Office, Group No 1 Area, 26 The Avenue, Durham DH1 4ED. Cheques for the campaign should be made payable to the 'Justice for Mineworkers Campaign' and sent to the Durham address. Labour movement organisations can affiliate to the Justice for Mineworkers Campaign at the following rates: national organisations - £50; districts - £25; local bodies
Party - and the TUC for
that matter - have done
altre uele NUM
since the end of the strike.
The electricians and ine posine are Lynl upe.
LYIIN
need more publicity and a
massive campaign in the
labour movement against
the breakaway.
International
'Inernational solidarity
played a terrific role in the
miners sunke. tallle
WAPC 10 the Anti Apar-
theid Movement
one way of showing how
vallabe urose son ollIk.
are lo us.
Women Against Pil
Closures, however, aren't
waiting till conference
lake action. Natoally
Iwo campaigns are already
underway: in support of
News
of sacked miners. You can help by:
*Get your Labour Party to organise meetings support of the campaign.
* organising sell tickets for the rallyconcert and get people to the march
organising metings to build for the event
contacting the Central Miners Support Group in Greenwich for speakers and further information * helping sell the campaign's pamphlet, which will be launchec at the same time as the Bill
• The Central Miners Support Group cạn Contacted cro Green ach Labour Party, Wool wich Road, London SE3 (phone: 01-858 1013).
- £5
sacked miners and againsı
the preakaway. Two
leaflers have been produc.
ed for use in the areas.
North Derbyshire
Women's Action Group
for one has already set to
work distributing them
Thev handed leaflets ou
al ai Xmas vigil in suppor
of sacked miners
Chesterfield's marke
square.
"The original idea for a
vigil came from the Barn-
sley group, Belly Heath
field told us 'We want l0
encourage all the areas to
do as much as they can
'And we have to get the
monev in. not lust for the
women's groups but
families. It is
more difficult lo come by
now than it was during the
strike. We know that other
areas are working just a
hard on this too. For mans
families, it will take the
next three or four years to
get out of the debi that the
strike crealed.
• Information Wo:
men Against Pit Closures
conference and donation:
contact: Kim
Young, Women's Office
National Union
Mineworkers, James
House, Vicar Lane, Shef
field (phone: 0742
700388).
• All money collected for
the NUM should be made
pavable 10 the 'Miners
Solidarity Fund', .and sen
1o the NUM, at the above
anoress Details for stan-
ding Coop Bank, orders: Account Ne sne fiel
30000009, BOnK Sorting
Code 08-90-75.
Page 5 scan of this page
The hidden witch-hunt
News
Ch, BETTE
Liverpool
FORTY-EIGHT Liverpool City shortly be appealing against surcharge and qualification from office in the High Court. proceedings are due to start on the 13 January. Contrary to previous assurances, Metropolitan Authorities (AMA) has shown distinct reluctance to help with raising funds from other local authorities to pay for their defence. funds are raised from other sources the councillors face surcharge,
organise appeal for
national has
the time
urgently Unless £100,000 raised or
counciliors,
deralal
their
ment's the council. This they did
of into
Only the
appeals
fight pit closures and the
feel
file SnOW une with the fighting cillors:
The issue of support for the Liverpool councillors should not be idenlified with support for the Militant lendency. It is important 1o make this point
both the bourgeois media and Labour's teading parliamentarians have done their best confuse the issue.
Supporters of Militant may influential Liverpool, but are not the majority on eliner the
Kinnock and Hattersley: the ones who are really bringing the party into disrepute
"Rally to their defence"
councillors will disThe
the Association of
Unless
disqualification and possible im-
council
The and he
follow the
decision the 1984
carried thai States:
'Conference
fighiback, be
and services and of local democracy. Conference
an equally unequivocal stand «cience working
which COUlICIS
result government's policies.
298-299) Bad laws
Whatever reservatons we may have about the laclies adopted bv the Labour majority on the Liverpool council, the stand adopted
them refusing 'balance the books' is enurely consistent Labour Party conference
In any case, the question of whether socialists are prepared 1o break the law is not one of principle
bad laws can be rendered ineffective
pIuvided sufficient numbers of people decide lo ignore them. question therefore one of lagtics,
defiance of the law is feasible in a given situation.
In our judgement, even if the present situation did
it would
cept cuts welfare ser-
The conse almosi of the
income the economy
amongst inner cities
years housing Liberal and the declining revenue made the
mountable.
therefore defend the
surouse one labour would have Deen almosl
the pledges al the
time discrediting
• government and the whole of the victonous ruling Class to pursl them for their sland. The rank and file should not allow the vally lu avalaon bicu They must rally 1o their defence.
• Please send donations
immediately 10: alr Tony
Room Municipal Buildings, Dale Streel, Liveroool L69 2DH. Cheques and POs 1o be made pavable lo: 'Liverpool Fighting Fund'
who have stood and fought the Tory
and the Campaign group of Labour MPs.
occause Liverpool, a series of other
right wing cliques are takKinner vo. settle old Kinnock settle scores and dispose of lett wing opponents.
Pandora box
Those, like the Labour Coordinating Committee and the Tribune
Kinnock's suspension of Liverpool District Labour Party are finding that they have opened a pandora's DOX I0 the advantage of some of the most corrupt forces in the labour movement.
The Labour Left Coordination and the Campaign for Labour rarty Democracy, in coopera-
the Campaign group of MPs, have found
less than 2o cases witch-hunts and expulsions over the last 18 months. No doubt there are more.
What is most disturb ing is that many of these have been concealed from the party membership thus making them more ficult to fight.
The Labour Party con stitution obliges the NEC lo report to nanonal conference disciplinary ac-
which it has • Salil tioned. This is being 1g nored. For example ine NEC repor! 1o 1985 conference omitled nine appeals against expulsion heard and rejected by the Threat
As a result opponents
of the witch-hunt WeIr unable 1o challenge the expulsions by challenging the relevant parts of the NEC report. Most delegates
lent of disciplinary action.
The charges on which
people are being expelled
are also a lhreat lo
activist in the party. In the
Isle of Wighi, Stevenage, Cardiff South and Penar-
Rhondda, Newcastleunder-Lyme, and Wrexnam a main charge aupears lo have been selling
the Militant newspaper in
public. In all cases the
local party vored 1o expel mose charged
. In a series of cases, aclivists have been on the basis of the vague
A WITCH-HUNT IS developing in the Labour Party. Organisationally it is directed first and foremost against the supporters of the newspaper Militant. Politically it is being orchestrated by Fleet Street, the Tory government and the right wing of the labour movement against those leaders and organisations
Arthur Scargill and the NUM, the Liverpool city council, black leaders like Bernie Grant, Sinn Fein,
Nothing better reveals the
nounce the Liverpool par-
io unleash a Fleet
witch-hunt by threatening
Robert Kilroy-Silk MP
press to whip up lurid tales
of gangster methods Liverpool without a shred ot proot.
Neither of these have been charged with 'bring ing party into
Yet. when two long-standing members of Haitersley's Sparkbrook constituency give specific evidence improper recruitment, they are expelled for exactly that.
In Liverpool one of the charges against the District Part rigged delegalions. But when charges of tallure to carrv out Labour Party rules are made by individuals on the left
• 0| example in Central Fife CLP they are expelled for 'bringing the party into disrepute'.
Abuse
In addition to expulsions, the right wing are also abusing the procedures for transfers between Labour Parties and for recruitment to exclude political opponents.
March 1985 the NEC upheld the decision of
Birmingham-Yardley reject three transfers and refuse iwo more membership applicatons grounds that the five sup-
DOCTORST : newspaper.
This device has the advantage of circumventing lic party's disciolinari procedures. Il harks back
days Wile applicants for Labour Party membership were told ther couldn't join because the
was tull up'. The
Yardley case was not reported to conference.
In some cases the rules have been flouted so openly by the right wing tha even the presen! NEC maJonly nave nad lo call a hall. In SheffieldAltercliffe five
activist were suspended for a year, tron July 1985, without even having been properly charged. After national officials had advised that Altercliffe's action was unconstitutional. the nex GC meeting expelled three
members for, amongst other things, organising campaign against their previous unconstitutional expulsion
Socialist Action 10 January 1986 from the Labour Party!
element of the witch hunt nOW taking place which recalls the 1950s is the suspension of entire parties. Following Liverpool three more Merseyside parties were suspended
lilt December 1985 NEC:
Helen's North CLP, St Helen's South CLP and St Helen's District Labour Party.
Both CLPs face parliamentary reselection. which will be disallowed if ther started June this year. In Knowlesley North and Stoke on Trent North the selections have also been frozen by the NEC.
These facts demonstrate serious escalation administrative and disciplinary action to suppress lell wing views and maintain right wing control in local parties Kinnock's altacks on Militan! will fuel this development.
These facts also show the need for the membership of the Labour Party
the Birmingham
witch-hunt
Birmingham-Sparkbrook constituency,
the constituency was to expel the
are thrown out for challenging such practices?
about their case at any Labour Party meetings.
5 to be informed of what is taking place. To facilitale this the Labour Left Coor dination and the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy, in cooperaWill the Campaign group MPs. have established a sub-group of the LLC to father arious mation witch hunts, to make this available to the membersnip or le party and to help defend individuals facing unjustified attacks.
Information published newsletter will be monthly as a service to Labour • Party members. To make this service enrecuve il 1s mos important that all possible witch hunts be sent to the sub. group and that individuals and organisations order copies of the newsletter 1o circulate within the Labour Party. • Send information on to: Kevin O'Reilly, c/0 CLPD, 10 Park Drive, London Nw/l 7SH
An open letter on
56 Phipson Road, Sparkhill, Birmingham BII 4JH. 4 January 1986
I wish to appeal through the pages of your paper for the support of every Labour Party member in ending the divisive witch-hunt taking place in the
the reinstatement of Councillor Amir Khan and Kevin Scally, a long-standing Labour Party activist, who have been expelled. As membership secretary of the constituency's Sparkhill branch and the wife of Amir Khan I have first-hand experience of the events of the last few months. What has happened has come close to destroying my faith in Labour Party democracy and, in my
should concern every member of the
expelled for trying to challenge a long-established system of patronace and corruntion within the constituency of which Asian members have been
, Despite serious allegations of bogus recruitment ete it has proved impossible to secure any real investigation within the party. Conse. quently the facts were made public in a Channel 4 TV programme and Asian members, no longes
establish a black section to discuss these matters
The response of the established powers within involved. Other members of the constituency who have protested at these acts have been threatened
In Sparkbrook thousands of Asian voters are watching these events with alarm. Where is the democracy in democratic socialism when hard. working and loyal members of the Labour Party
I appeal to comrades in the Labour Party to raise this matter in their wards and CLPs and to send resolutions or messages of support to the NEC of the Labour Party. Copies should be sent to Cir Amir Khan at the above address. Both Amir Khan and Kevin Scally are prepared to speak
Page 6 scan of this page
the left needs
6 Socialist Action 10 January 1986
THE COLOSSAL impact of the miners strike, and its outcome, has reshaped the left wing Labour movement almost beyend recognition. The effects reshaping are now beginning to work temselves through beyond the initial emergence 'realigned left' of Sawyer, Hain, Tribune and others. The reshaping now takes in virtually the entire left wing of the labour movement.
One of the aspects of this has been discussion on the left concerning the launching of a new paper. JOHN ROSS looks at the current
of the left and the specific stale question of what type of paper the left needs.
THE OUTCOME of the miners strike, and its aftermath, saw the previous lett wing of the labour movement divide into three different parts precisely the strike and its brought to breaking point the divisions which already existed. These three currents which emerged were fairly clearly defined despite the inevitable overlapp-
and uncertainty as dividuals and criss-crossing on specific issues. These three currents are beginning to acquire and SONLUSU distinct organisational and form.
The first current is most correctly defined as the Kinnockite although it prefers to refer to itself as the 'realigned left' or "broad left'. Its most typical representatives Meacuci. Sawyer, Blunkett, Labour Coordinating Committee, and Tribune. Ken Livingstone is part of this
- although, as we well see, Cullal there are some important individual
differences on this.
At the level of tactics this current is defined by the view that Neil Kinock can be persuaded, or won, to pursue a course which is in the interests of the working class and oppressed.
As it was put in a front page article in the new year issue Nigel Williamson. lalking about the kind of socialism we want lo create - and then to promote specific policies in the context of bringing that society abou!.
'No one is betler qualified than Neil Kinnock to recapture that crusading spirit.'
Williamson's eulogy then reached its height in the final
paragraph which concluded: I! would
be a tragedy if that vision and inspira-
lon, which was why he was.
leader by such an overwhelming ma-
jority of the party, were dropped in
favour of over-cautious ştatesmanship.
'As Neil Kinnock
wrote in this newspaper: boldness be
our friend.'
Kinnock did indeed choose that
week 1o be very bold indeed - and in
fact 'caution' has not at all been a Kin-
nock hallmark. Kinnock
for new ycal ( that
towards the socialism Williamson ad-
vocated would unal
longer even seriously intendea to rena-
tionalise the industries denationalised
by inlaicnel. A Labour
was going to operate in an economy
whose basic structure had been decided
by Thatcherism -
steps towards socialism.
Boldness
In fact Williamson fails to do Neil
Kinnock justice overall.
leadership has been marked by extreme
boldness. Even before coming to office
he junked Labour's committment 1o
withdraw from the EEC. He condemn-
ed 'violence' by miners
determination. He nas
WCA nEFE scale
Callaghan never did. The commitment
to full employment has
abandoned.
Far from Kinnock being winnable
to socialism a starting point orany
realistic socialist strategy today must be
a firm understanding of the fact that
Kinnock is a totally committed enemy
ABDU:
PATT
of the
of this
of the Meacher,
• or more
outlulllc
majority there will certainly
oppressed can advance in • regards Ill-
be adressed.
be given. But in reality,
political tical choices,
in the most direct left
the
of, the bourgeoisie.
'Alternative'
understands this much more
of Tribune by
example of ihe GLC. 'We need to start
the GLC were made possible nuse lales
made intelligent creative use Kinnock financial preceeding
elected
massive tinancial room thạt the GLC did. himself once
That thony Barnett's Wind' In the
on slulls
announced a chief step
Labour no that
did not!
government
let alone lake any
CaSC GLC experience was very
Kinnock's
base for reforms.
with greal launched Wilson and
Labour government!
DECIL openly
Representative
The practical and industrial.' away
of any socialist advance in the party. Any serious defence of the interests of the working class and oppressed must start with a clear underslanding that mas. there will probably be an anti-Labour
in the next parliament, and be an anti-socialist majority. How the working class and
that situation, not entertaining illusions in Kinnock, is a central question which must
underneath the lac, the Kinnockite left is a reformist left not just ideologically but
sense that it directly limits struggle of the working class and oppressed to what capital is prepared to afford now. That is, the Kinnockile lett porl, in practice accepts that the working class can only advance with the permission of, and subject to the profitability
To give him credit, Ken Livingstone
cealy than most of the Kinnockite left. The example which is always held up by the Kinnockite left as their 'alternative' 10 Scargill, the NUM, Liverpool, and supposedly 'fundamentalist' forces is the
Bul, as Ken Livingstone pointed out in an interview with Bea Campbell in Marxism Today, the specific policies of
the base of the council. Undoubiedly Ken Livingstone to his credit
of this GLC. base unlike the Labour administrations which had made bureaucratic ignorant misuse of it. But the GLC's tactics for creating the social alliances which supported it are sımply nol avalladıe lo anyone who does, or did, not have the
for reforms
is why an article such as An'Whistling latest issue of Nen Socialist is so irrelevant to the real deci-
socialist stralegy lodày.
Barnell launches a diatribe against Arthur Scargill, and holds up the model of the GLC against the NUM, on the basis
made creative use ol advertising and the NUM leadership
But the real basis of the difference berween the GLC and NUM was that the government was prepared lo spend
£6 billion pounds savaging the NUM
while the GLC was able lo use ils raies
lo carry through reforms. The important
from the point of view of showing the
necessity of creating social alliances -
and having a conscious goal lo creale
them as part of a socialist strategy. But
the malerial base for the particular lac-
lics the GLC used are only available lo
those who have an equivalent financial
These, heecless
say, are not available 1o the NUM, Lo a
council like Liyerpool, and, most im-
portant, will not be available to a future
outcome
policies and views of the Kinnockite left
were spelt out with crystal clarity in last
week's issue of the New Stateman. The
journal's new year editorial declared,
'Ihe scope for reducing unemployment
and re-expanding the economy in the
is distressingly limited programme must. include a
whole range of other positive policy ob-
jectives that are not narrowly economic
the sophisticaled
The paper
phraseology and the meaning of that policy is quite clear. The next Labour government is going to preside over
unemployment because capital won't accept anything else. If you are a man or woman in a well paid job, or you are a civil servant who wants their civil liberties increasing, then Labour may have something 1o offer you. But if you are unemployed, or live in an inner cily, or are ablack youth, forget it. You are going 1o get it in the neck just as much from Neil Kinnock as from Margaret Thatcher. Neither is going lo give you a job. This is then described as a 'socialist' perspective!
This Kinnockite left however has a contradictory base as parts of its sup-
sections of the trade unions leadership, are under pressure from their membership - was secii over the miners al the TUC Congress and Labour Party conference
The reality of the choice facing the Kinnockite left is quite simple. If what is to be demanded is only what capital is prepared lo afford then entire sections of British society - nol 1o mention the working class abroad - are going 1o be consigned by Labour 1o the scrapheap That is the le New Silatesman, of the faithfully ihrough by the Kinnockite left the logic, through in lodays conditions, policy of left wing class collaboration: Ine cez mal that the problems con fronting the working class and oppressed can be resolved on the basis of collaboration with the bourgeoisie or by the reformist means available lo the
Clarity
The second current which emerged out of the pre-1984 left, unlike the Kinnockites, is most accuralely enlitled the class struggle left. Ils most representative forces and leaders the Scargill wing of the NUM; the Campaign group of MPs; Women Against
Closures; the black section; the demands, although not all the forces, of the Women's Action Committee; the Campaign tor Labour Democracy; the Labour Committee on Ireland, and a series of forces in the irade unions, local councils, Constituency Labour Parties elc.
Ideologically this emerging
struggle current contans everyihing from lefl reformists, who are its vası majorily, through classic 'centrists, !o Marxisis. But what defines this left is its atlitude lo the living class struggle. I! is
prepared lo subordinale lhe ineresis of the working class and op. pressed to what the bourgeoisie - internationally In Britain prepared lo afford or accepl. forces in it are prepared in practice 1o defend loday whatever ideological reason they give for it - the interests of the working class and oppressed. Demand
Scargill and hose who supporled
him in the NUM, were not prepared to subordinate the defence of jobs and the mınıne commie tue oros ul
the NCB. They have also supported the black communities, the black section,
the formation of Women Against Pit
Closures ana ils affiliation lo the
NUM, the struggle in local
Ilical. and demands of
Women's Action Committee.
Tony Benn, Dennis Sinner,
others in the Campaign group of MPs,
did not simply give verbal supporl lo
the miners but went out and directly
supported them in action. They follow-
ed this up after the strike by helping
lead the struggle to support the miners through the amnesty Callbalkll
other means.
Since the end of the miners strike the Campaign group, or various of its members, have deepened their position by defending the black communities, supporting black sections, opposing the witch hunt, producing A Million Jobs A Year, and voting against the Anglo-Irish Accord.
Women Against Pit Closures, in then collaboration with the NUM, forged
the key social alliance in the miners strike ana one nol financial base available for reforms to the GLC, but on the base of a brutal struggle against the NCB.
Convergence sic islack set ioe rigina ed o sehebasic Issue organisation of black people inside the Labour Party but has rapidly deepened its politics supported the miners, black Coml. riots, denounced Kinnock over South Africa, and have come out strongly the witch Militant's attack on the black section. An important development has also canned laken place in the lesbian and gay com
munity with the formation of Lesbians carne of a and Gays Support the Miners, and the
Labour Campaign for Lesbian and Gay Rights, On international politics, in addition, a clarification the positions of this class struggle lett has laken place. step on this of course was the vole of 13 members the against the Anglo-Irish followed a developing dialogue belween sections of the Labour left and Sinn nas Fein — a dialogue particularly organis-
Led ihrough the Labour Committee on Ireland.
But strong support has gone from are NUM leaders, and others, 10 the FSLN
FMLN Salvador and the ANC in South Africa • This is in addition to the unanimous demand for unilateral nuclear disarmaParty ment.
individual beginning io carve out
clearly issues of the British and international class class struggle. It has started to develop
from purely defensive struggles, reflecting its social base in the mining communities, the black communities, big cities, and among women to having more clear and offensive positions. Basic issue
The lions is that the different components
of this left are tending lo converge. This could already be seen in the miners' strike • for example with the cooperation of the
Women Against Pit Closures ana vir. tually every other major section of the lefi. In the fight against the Anglo-Irish Accord Iht Ireland and the Campaign group of have TaKe l defence of the black against the police altacks clear suppor! came from ihe black section, Scargill, and leaders of the Campaign group. This class struggle left has also come logether against the witch hunl. dovenlthe
the and develop among this lefi - allhough
different words are used lo express it. The analysis can be summed up in Tony Benn's phrase thạt what the struggle is about at present is 'creating a popular majority for socialism. It could be put in 'Leninist' lerms that what is involved and loday is a fighi for the conquest of the
situation. created on the tuldy
June
forces
right
The black section actively class struggle. defended the against (he police on the
hunt despite righlly, ingstone. and denening of
Ine most Impollail
Campaign group Accord. This ot ll.
Nicaragua and
that
In short the 'class struggle lefl' is
more defined positions on the key
Socialist
the
The effect of these common posi-
Labour Committee on
the initiative. communities
socialism.
Something of a common analysis of
also beginning lo
masses noi a struggle for power can be expressed in CLPD's view th today the Irft finds itself in a defensh
But whatever the different langua used the content is exactly the same. l is that the left today is a minority not only in the labour movement but in the working class. It is not faced with an immediate or short term 'struggle for power'. It is faced with a task of wining ing of a majority to a socialist perspec: tive - a mojority which does not exist
conclusions immediate follow from this analysis. : The first is
emphasis on mass campaignin The second is that these class strug
musl both organised clarified temselves, and that they m lake the initiative on specific issues di draw in far wider forces on questio which correspond to the needs of th
This approach can be seen clearly
miners amnesty campaign where the initiative of the NUM drew forces from the base of Kinnock to wil the vote at the TUC and Labour Par conferences. The same approach calt has maintained his clear position of opr seen on Ireland where Ken Livinston position 1o the Anglo-Irish Accore and where the Labour Committee O Ireland and the Campaign group have
acicl LO-CuC with LiVe The same approach can be seen on the witch hunt where some of those forces who voled in favour of the enquiry into Liverpool District Party may nevertheless finish up opposing the expulsions which will be proposed out
This approach is not a sectarian one al all. Il flows from the needs of the class struggle and the attitude of the class struggle left 1o Kinnock. Main enemy
The main enemy in the class strug gle loday is not Kinnock, it is Thatcher
Kinnock has lo be fought against when
the time, obstructs the struggle against Thatcher Bur it is an 'ami-Thatcher lefl', nota 'anti-Kinnock' lefl, that is being bullt
If is this class struggle lefi whic Action identifies with Socialist Action believes thal the cen Iral strategic slogan which correspond to the line and needs of the class strug gle loday, and these forces, is precisel socialism -icat is consiraieg 1o 'bulding alliance social alliances, internationally and na tionally, which the working class need 1o creale a real majority for socialism this country. Such a majority is th key, a prerequisite, lo íhe stralegic goa of ihe working class taking politica power. Il is a prolonged struggle l creale such a majority.
The third force which has emerge out of the left wing of the labour move
menı may be correcily defined as ultra
left in lerms of tactics - although it not al all ultra-left as regards its generą
politics. The most characieristic force
of this are Labour Brifing, Socialis
Organiser, and Socialist Viewpoint.
The basis of the tactics of these cur rents is the view ihal somehow th
working class in Britain is engaged in short term struggle for power, and fo
The slogan emblazoned o
the front of Labour Brifing 'Labou
this orienta
ake une rower sulIs u
lion very well. But al component
share this ultra-left view of the situatio
Ihal somehow a short term struggle fe
power in Brilain is posed. Politically a
accomodaie io British imperialism i
varying degrees.
This ultra left however is only reall strong, and has its social base, in Lon
Page 7 scan of this page
Jon ane areas or une country where trie tight wing almost totally dominales the bour movement. The right wing maority in these areas breeds ultra-leftism
a response.
The common views of these groupis are the positions such as that we ace a 'revolutionary crisis' in Britain in le next four or five years; that tacticalArthur Scargill disasterously failed
confront the trade union
at the 1984 Trade Union Con-
that the central organising line of
de in the class struggle today is not
fight against Thatcher but 'organis:
the anti-Kinnock lell: enn, or another leader of the Labour a, should have run againsı Neil Kin-
ck for the leadership of the Labour ry following the miners strike; and
er views that both wrong emselves and would chiefly succeed getting the left in the party smashed.
These ultra-left views
lics alc generally coupled with
ra-left, and sectarian, views on inter-
¡onal politics. Views such as thal
LN is trying to preserve capitalism in
aragua, the FMEN is trying lo build popular front in El Salvador, the pro-
mame of the UDF in South Africa is rong occause based mocratic demands againsi apartheid
not expuenty sociansi demands.
OR PEACE AND SOCIALISM
IS MAMAGER
-ondon WC1X 8DY
ported etc.
for socialism, suicidally wrong
the views of this ultra-left current. burear- Trends
these baree bad
thal Tony
means that separale on all
ferent issues.
British
ultra-left, through the coordialllig
necessity 10
now quielly dropping this.
Ine class struggle left.
Wars in peace
denied by, Mar Wars reseathe necessity of curing - that the Soviet Union was
VOL 49 NO 1 O
that Sinn Fein's politics cannot be sup-
But as regards British tactics it is the view of a shorl term struggle for powe tall and socialism, the failure to understand together the prolonged lask of creating a majori-
ana a series of lactics which flow from this analysis which characterise
Having outlined the existence of
trends the kin. nockite lefl, the class struggle left, and the ultra-left — this does not of course
these force. are totally afford, internally homogenous. Differences within these broad trends, exist among all of them.
These different sections of the left can, and should, work together on dif-
A loose. form of collaboration already exists belween a seclion of the class struggle left, and the
Labour Left the which starled off with an ultra-left line of the pressed,
Run a candidale agains leadership
innock for parly leader but which
sections of the Kinnockite left, and the ultra-left are working logerner manany in tne
Statsmak
rning Star*
messag
3 JANUARY 1986
Justice for Mineworkers Campaign. The class struggle left, at least Ken Livingstone from the Kinnockite left, and
ultra-left are working against the Anglo-Irish Accord. The tinal set of forces that will work together against the witch hunt is nol yet clear, but should be as wide as possible on a principled basis.
But despite ine overlap cooperațion, and currents such as Milltant which stand outside all of them, there are three basic currents on the left
movement today. • A Kinnockite left which limits itself 1o what the bourgeoisie is prepared 10
and which capitulates before each serious bourgeois assaull. Il is a left however which contains contradiclory trends on particular issues as it does have a mass working class base which is not prepared to go all the way with Kinnock • A class struggle left whose base is the mining communities, the big cities,
black community, working women and olher sections of the op
but which has thrown which has shown prepared to fight against altacks of the bourgeoisie. which knows "which side it is on'
This class struggle left recognises that it is a minority today,
the whole us na was between n ha?"
INDEPENd
and is fighting on a perspective which could be summarised as popular majority for socialism.' • An ulira left understand that the working class 10day is engaged in a fight for a socialist majority and therefore and sectarian tactics and politics both and in Britain and, for somewhat different
reasons, internationally.
While these different currents can, and should, cooperale where ever it is in the objective interests of the working class and oppressed, they do constitule distinct currents 1o be organised distincily course does not al all preclude cooperation.
It is out of this that the discussion on a new paper on the left arises. class struggle left is acquiring distinclive organisations and policies it sup ports - the Scargill wing of the NUM the Campaign group of MPs and Camclass paign groups
Women Against Pit Closures, the black up section, the demands of the
Action Committee, CLPD, the Labour Committee o11 Ireland, have fought in local government and others. also to the Kinnockites this class struggle
left does nor have a distinctive paper
Socialist Action 10 January 1986
LABOU
'creating
which refuses
• and not a fight for power
proposes ultra-left They therefore need which of
. The
wnich develod locally,
Women's
people. who
But since Tribune openly went
which seriously draws together, and is based on, these forces
There is of course a precondfion for the success of such a paper: That is that is must be really based on, and under the control of, the forces which lead this left. Papers produced by small grouping which pretend to be the Campaign group, for example, are no use at all. Papers such as Socialist Action cannot possibly play such a role because they have a quite different function and views which are an extreme minority in the class struggle left which is developing. Nor can smaller forces claim to be the mouthpiece of this current.
The acknowledged leadership of this class struggle current, the people who have the overwhelming majority support among it, are people like Arthur Scargill's supporters in the NUM, the Campaign group of MPs Women Against Pit Closures, the black section, and others. A paper of the class strug gle left would have lo be under their control. Others could, and should, express their views but the real majorities, and real relations of forces, which exis in this class struggle current have to. be expressed in such a paper.
But such a newspaper of the class struggle left, organised on that basis, is urgently needed today. Socialist Action would strongly support it.
Page 8 scan of this page
COSATU's first month
8
ONI DECEMBER a
gigantic step forward was
taken by the black majority
of South Africa in the
struggle for its liberation.
The formation of the nearly
500,000 strong non-racial,
overwhelmingly black,
Confederation of South
African Trade Unions THE OVERALL political line of COSATU was spelt out clearly at the closing session of its founding congress by its newly elected president, and former union vice-president, Barayi. Speaking under banners bearing the slogans tion, One Country', and Workers Unite', Barayi called on the South African president Botha to go and instead to 'make way for the real leader of the people Mandela.'
Mandela is of course the imprisoned Leader of the African National Congress (ANC). Barayi was characterised oy the Financial Times, in reporting the congress, as a 'stalwart' of the ANC before it was banned.
LUDAIU'S constitution hat, 'We ... firmly commit ourselves to a united democratic South Africa, free of oppression and economic exploitation. We believe this can only be achieved under the leadership working class.
Barayi demanded that the state of emergency imposed African government in July He also demanded that the ban on the Congress of South African Students be ended.
COSATU's president stated that the union's demand was for one person one vote in a unitary state. He rejected
Socialist Action 10 January 1986
the most powerful
the African continent.
defining its political Botha's 'reform'
mineworkers black population.
Elijah Ine COAlU regime's system of Bantustans -'One Federa-
and deepen tribal and The
Nelson
treme forms of oppression.
Passes
declares ed that the direct action.
for trade
of a united against the I calle
US and British governments, be lifted. said, 'They would starve,
settlers arrived in 1652.'
(COSATU), created not
only the largest organisation
of black workers in the
history of South Africa but
organisation of workers on
Since its formation
COSATU has been rapidly
parliament in which two segregated and powerless chambers were set up for collaborators from the and Indian and Coloured sections of the
congress passed a resolution condemning the apartheid
rural areas tor Atricans that are designed to create a migratory labour force
language diviBantustans, COSATU fight stated, are intended to thwart the 'just struggle or one person, one voic I c unitary South Africa.' The Bantustan leaders were accused of practicing 'ex-
security
tion as
Barayi called for the abolition of pass laws within six months or threaten-
regime would face of race."
It is illegal in South Africa to call the
investment sanctions but COSATU, Barayi stated at the rally, 'is in full support of disinvestment.' Referring to the
Barayi tell us lney are against disinvestment because the black people
but black people have been starving here since the first white
wages.
The COSATU congress also took up the position of women in South
orientation. DICK CARTER looks at the political development of COSATU in the first month of its existence - and in particular at COSATU's increasing move towards united action, with the African National Congress (ANC).
Africa. COSATU adopted a resolution calling for a fight 'against all unequal
discriminatory treatment women al work. in society and in the federation.? It called for equal pay for work of equal value and 'for restucturing of employment so as 10 allow women and men the opportunity qualifying for jobs of equal value.
COSATU's founding resolution on the subject said that the union must
"sexual harassment in whatever form it occurs' and would struggle for child care and family facilities and for full maternity rights, "including paid maternity and paternity leave and job
The resolution also stated that 'women workers experience exploita-
workers and oppression women and that black women are fur ther discriminated against on the basis
Two other resolutions adopted at
founding congress altacked the policies of foreign and South African corporations. One said that such corporations exploited workers southern Africa 'by reaping huge profits and exporting them to Europe and America. The other resolution charged that companies operating Africa paid workers only starvation
COSATU stated that it would demand a national minimum living wage adjusted to compensate for intlation. It
called for company books 1o be opened
for inspection 'so that workers could 0I see exactly how the wealth they have
produced is being wasted and misused
by the employers'
Barayi repeated the demand, which
of Charler, mines. Politics
These developments in COSATU's politics, as well as its mere existence, 'were used by the apartheid regime to launch an immediate attack union federation.
declared it banned ANC. as that 'This organisation
with its declared aim of standing in for the ANC is, under the guise of a trade union movement, intent on furthering the aims of a banned organisation. namely to make the country ungovernable. The question is whether it can be allowed 1o do so.
The ANC itself openly hailed the formation of COSATU
ANC's South December declared: 'The formation of this trade union federation was greeted with much struggling people because it stone for the unity of the working class in South Africa, the main force of our national liberation revolulion ...
•Fellow countrymen, COSATU has been born. The giant has arisen.
United (UDF), supported by the ANC, was present COSATU with a banner pledging support lo the new union.
African Congress (SACTU), allied to the ANC, issued a press release enthusiastically welcoming the formation of COSATU.
Delegation
Al the beginning COSATU itself sent a delegation to the conference Churches held in Harare, This delegation included COSATU's general secretary Jay Naidoo and Cyril Ramphosa, the president of the South Antal Mineworkers (NUM).
Al the Harare conference Naidoo met with leaders of the ANC and SAC-
According 1o a COSATU statement this was in order lo exchange views on the Africa.'
The ANC had already ourlined its views of the politics of the new union on Radio Freedom when, commenting
formation declared it is 'vital that unions should be deeply involved in the mass activities being launched by organisations like the United Democratic Front.
The demands of COSATU, in parlicular demand democratic South Africa, pression and economic exploitation. in fact do sound exactly like a rehearsal of the chief demands popularised in South Africa by the ANC. important are the moves to establish direct legal contact, and practical collaboration, between ANC, and the UDF.
The question therefore evidently arises firstly as to how this convergence of COSATU and the ANC look place? Secondly, what should be the attitude of the labour movement iowards it?
The politics
profit system.
included in the ANC's Freedom
nationalisation on the government
to be a surrogate for the
South African governradio declared on 4 December
(COSATU), . The broadcast Radio Freedom on 2
by of our country
lays the main foundation
not the
Democratic Front
al the founding congress of
The South Unions of December
ot the world Council of
Zimbabwe
Union of
present crisis in South
dependently
of COSATU
general
union federation, tremely united free of op-
. Evidenily equally
repressive COSATU, the itself 'in
movement.'
organised
TOMORI Funeral of Andries Raditsela, FOSATU,
COSAT
DESPITE THE claims of the apartheid regime, and an evident con vergence between the line of COSATU and the ANC, there is
slightest evidence that COSATU is directly controlled by the ANC. Nor is there any evidence whatever that the ANC created the key unions that went to make up
On the contrary all the evidence is exactly the opposite. What is occurring in South Africa is a convergence originally independent forces on an in creasingly correct political line - that of a united front of all the exploited
development, nor organisationar col trol, which is leading to the line of the ANC, and the key forces that created
This process can be seen particularly clearly by studying the development
African Trade Unions (FOSATU) -which waged a long battle for non-
of ANC. ANC member Ben Turok, one of the authors of the economic section of the Freedom Charter, speaking in London recently. referred to FOSATU as having been formed by a 'workerist current. hi
secretary of FOSATU. Joe Foster, in a 1982 report adopted by the
also spelt out exclearly the disagreements of FOSATU with the ANC at that time.
Foster characterised the ANC we rue creative onovertai of Africa' He stated that 'The role o the great political movements such as the ANC and the Congress Allian: e la been to mobilise the masses against the
regime argued that FOSATU must not place
opposition the vider political struggle or its major liberation
to state that the working class must be
independently within this
Page 9 scan of this page
er killed by police, June 1985 liberation struggle. Foster *Where virtually all the population is reteless and oppressed by minority then a great alliance of all casses is both necessary political strategy. building such an alliance was a great task.
'The ANC had to overcome racial division so as to rise above the divisive racism of the oppressors. deal with opportunistic tribal leadership, to organise thousands thousands of people and they had to do al: this in the tace of harsh repression by the state. In achieving this there is little wonder that the ANC rose to be one of the great liberation movements in Africa.'
Movement
But Foster went on to argue despite this that 'these movements cannot and have not in themse ves been able to deal with the particular and fundamental problem or workers. tneir task remove regimes that are regarded as illegitimate and unacceptable by the majority.
'It is, therefore, essential workers must surive to buna ter owa powerful even whilst they are part of the wider popular struggle. This organisation is necessary to protect and further worker interests and to ensure that the popular movement is not hijacked by elements who will in the end have no option but 10" against purters.'
Foster concluded his survey of the question by stating that 'workers must strive to form their own powerful and
popular struggle.
at that time. president of •FOSATU anal president of COSATU, made a similar
regarding Ambabwe declared that in Zimbabwe some people were liberated but the workers were not According to Diamini liberation can only be achieved by a irong, well organised novement.'
In the initial period of its developmer t, and particularly following its official constitution as a federation in 1979, .tue colutons tO!ATU meant that it placed its stress
of COSATU
J and the ANC
stated dustry a racial
and a clear against the Furthermore,
by the ANC at the time.
In June
They had to
upon only be made basis.'
TU's Present Role', that: 'SACTU
this basis.'
have been
that 1970s.
organisation
the Wiehan
sup- that plant based recognition rights were not lost.
Mass
LIU W vice- of legal openings by FOSATU
He FOSATU built
ture Worker
worker turing and workers, metal
workers were the
of existence of
industrial
In
strikes, KILL CARTIS NOT Drin 250,000.
Chris tion. on building up its workplace and in-
organisation. FOSATU's tactical choices in fighting for trade union organisation were undoubtedly correct
ANC dominated SACTU unions unions decisively influenced SACTU
Gaetsewe, general secretary of SACTU, was still writing that 'Repression of trade union activity, (in South Africa) means that in the long term, meaningful advances can
an underground
As late as June 1982, in a major statement of position entitled 'SAC- long
SACTU argued forced was underground. And there is nothing to this suggest that the apartheid regime will earlier ever tolerate a strong, progressive and open trade union movement for very long. It would be a mistake to act on
FOSATU however took exactly the opposite factical line to that being urg ed by SACTU. Using the type of tactics which, if they had been theorised might
described as 'Leninist', FOSATU utilised to the full the legal openings which began to emerge in the
FOSATU decided to take the tacical decision to legany regisier, ol a non-racial basis, under the proposals of
Commission recognising black trade unions in South Africa. FOSATU also allowed its affiliated unions to participate in the Industrial Councils in South Africa - provided
bargaining and
Far from being opportunist these tacues were an extremery mteligent use
- and were totally vindicated by the results.
relatively strongly centralised trade union struc-
far more strongly centralised than any of its rivals — with its decisive base in the heavy industrial manufac-
Iransport sector. Car workers, food manufacturing workers, and transport
of FOSATU's CULE membershop. FOSATU also specifical-
adopted the organisational form of
the organising
basis now accepted by COSATU as one of its five founding principles.
FOSATU a SU developed a lar higher level of militancy than its rivals.
1982 for example FOSATU filiated unions were involved in 145 strikes with 90,000 workers taking part. This compared to for example,
with 10,000 workers ticipating, for Council
Unions (CUSA) affiliated unions and 6 strikes, involving 2,600 workers, for the South African Allied Workers Union (SAAWU).
The relation of forces established by FOSATU's tactics was seen clearly at the creation of COSATU. FOSATU alone had 120,000 paid up members at the time of the formation of the federafion - exceeding even the 100,000 paid up members of the NUM, although the latter claims a total membership of
COSATU's general secretary Naidoo, and COSATU's vice president
Diamini, were members FOSATU affiliated unions. The principles of organisation, and politics, adopted by FOSATU - notable non-racialism, organisation on the basis of basus ial uniod representes on the
membership dominate the new COSATU federa-
Miners
The FOSATU affiliated unions, together with the NUM, form the core of COSATU, and make it easily the totally dominant union of black industrial workers in South Africa.
The initially UDF affiliated unions - the SAA WU, the General and Allied Workers Union, and the National Federation of Workers previously SACTU affiliated Food and Canning Workers Union were, in contrast, minority currents at the moment of the formation of the FOSATU and NUM dominated COSATU struggle over orientation to building the
between FOSATU and influenced and dominated unions, FOSATU was thoroughly vin-
But while the tactical differences which existed between COSATU and
ANC and SACTU dominated unions were very real - - and were differences over which FOSATU was proved correct - they obscured the much more fundamental, and therefore in the
much similarities in key political principles between the ANC and FOSATU. It was
agreement which, despite tactical differences, provided the basis for the decisive step forward.
CoSAir in polities, of the creation of
13 parSouth
The issues involved in agreement between FOSATU and the ANC were not just questions of Joe Foster's glowof the liberatien movement. They in reterence Jay particular applied to the decisive issue
of non-racialism — the cardinal point of political difference which divided the of
ANC off hoth from the Pan Africar Congress (PAC) in the late 1950s and early 1960s, Movement
which had exactly previously divided
FOSATU had insisted on non-racialism as its fundamental principle right from
UDF affiliated unions. SAAWU president Thozamile Gqwetha explained his union's position, for example, as being inauwe beteve de county das a lul racial future and therefore we must be
August 1985 equally was because of the
principle of non-racialism, which was •In the already being written in as one of the
founding principles of COSATU and formed a basis of the united front federation which the NUM supported.
the ANC on the fundamental political principle of non-racialism meant that despite the sharp tactical differences on how to organise the unions the political way was always open for a convergence between the union federation and the
decisive, ANC and FOSATU was alșo evidently
strengthened by the cooperation betthe organising the Transvaal general strike
of November 1984 — the highest point of the mass movement in South Africa
snit lis postulons on tne unions lon the earlier line of SACTU. A 1983 statement called for 'flexibility' on the part of all unions to achieve unity. Differences of tactics 'must not be used as an issue to militate against unity.' ANC president declared that while power 'would not be achieved without armed struggle ... it would be equally disasterous to say the armed strucle nas no need or ant other form of struggle. Organisation of the workers is most important.'
Following the COSATU the ANC called on the black consciousness influenced unions to join united tederation.
Radio Freedom, formation of COSATU, declared 'It is Unity important for us to continue discussing and thrashing out the differences that sul eau o me asercon ourese nes unions, pecanse unions form part of the South African working class. It is therefore very vital that they too be mainstream of the struggle for liberation.'
Unfortunately consciousness influenced unions have pursued a sectarian course. Earlier, in the main organisation the Organisation (AZAPO) unsuccessfully boycotted the Transvaal general strike - the action in which FOSATU and
Socialist Action 10 January 1986 and from the Black Con-
In
LUNA ГУЯТ union support for the
agreement of FOSATU with
Oliver Tambo
formation of
The ANC commenting on the
members 01 these
drawn into Power!
however the black
that COSATU.
Azanian People's
the UDF had first decisively secured powerful mass action so far in South federation of Trade Unions (AZAC. TU) refused to participate in the forma-
red with the founding formation of COSATU is therefore ab. solutely clear. At the level of tactics and organisation FOSATU won out com.
The organising principles of COSATU — organisation by industrial union, representation on the basis of
non un-
supplied the leadership personnel for COSATU. FOSATU supplied the key industrial base which, with the NUM provides the membership and power of
. he othel main union federation,
staying out of COSATU but the largest CUSA to join COSATU. FOSATU in contrast joined COSATU in a totally
TU aligned unions were a minority in
tical positions on how build the
political positions, above all the total #sistence ou non-racialisin, ineviab
The victory of the trade union tac tics of FOSATU, the common position of FOSATU and the ANC on the issue of non-racialism, the agreement on the necessity of united action on the basis
apartheid
the political positions of COSATU — and
has
The road te COSATU
POWER!
tenis MacShane, Martin Plaul. David 4 uth Africa
by Denis MacShane Martin Plant, and David Ward explains the background to the formation of the independent non-racial unions in South Africa
led to the formation of
Available from Other Books. PO Box 50, London N1 2XP. £4.95 plus 46p postage.
Page 10 scan of this page
Nicaragua faces the United States
10 Socialist Action FOR NICARAGUA 1985 ended as it began — with a continuing war being waged against country by the United States.
In his weekly national radio broadcast on 14 Reagan declared that 'more effective help' was needed for the contras fighting the
government than the $27 million
in 'humanitarian aid' voted by the US Congress last July.
Referring to the contras Reagan declared 'should not the fighting (sic), numbering more than 20,000, be entitled to more effective help?'
Almost simultaneously Reagan's appeal the Tomas Borge: 'Nothing in the world ¡eaches better than mistakes' nounced new round Honduran military exercises to begin in January. These will include an extensive programme of road building for military manouvres. similar manouvres in the past the US armed forces have set up in Honduras an extensive military structure — airfields, supply depots, posts, roads etc — capable of sustaining a full scale invasion Nicaragua.
In Nicaragua itself, for the first time, contras have used surface to air missiles to shoot down a government belicopter. US Secretary George was: "Thank goodness that they did get hold of some weapons that can knock these choppers down ... They have gotten ahold of figured out how to use them ... and I say 'Fine, I'm all for it.''
Losses Nicaragua are now 4,000 dead, 4,000 wounded, 5,000 kidnapped, 250,000 homeless out of a Nicaraguan population of 3.5 million. equivalent. wounded, and four million homeless, in a country with a population the size of Britain.
But in Nicaragua itself the FSLN has been both strengthening defence of the country and correcting errors made earlier in dealing with the problems of the Atlantic coast region of the country. It has also been taking steps to deal with the economic problems facing the country.
The Central American Panorama interviewed FSLN leader TOMAS BORGE
on the problems now facing the Nicaraguan government. We are printing an edited version of the interview.
With, the overthrow of the dictatorship a new national state began to develop in Nicaragua in which power was in the workers' hands. But this state does not appear to correspond to Nicaraguan society
capitalist production relations
10 January 1986 tion persist and the resolved?
Some people
December,
country. isn't
Nicaraguan
tionary one.
forces ly definite 10W Doureeose lake.
with their Pentagon an- economic concessions,
wage demands.
Around. The
Production
It is a basic characteristic Nicaraguan revolution. other
revolutionary diminished shrinking of There an
clonelly
mixed economy and vice versa,
USthis country,
The workers of
During
power lignt lo
and political space. surveillalce
little political space of none at all. political pluralism collullly
State bourgeoisie. this access o economic
demands, missiles and
iheir ideas.
action
The Sandinista and
This is the
political space Somoza dictatorship.
They the Diuralisin. the revolution. tiates us from
What are the main features
America and Nicaragua! review The policy of the revolution, stop Salvadoreans or
altrattive
one in the sense want 1o destroy the revolution.
survive. How far can this contradic-
how can
think that a mixed economy and political pluralism are the road to capitalist change in our
So. The mixed economy and political pluralism exist in capitalist countries and in our own But they are not the same in a traditional capitalist society as in a revolu-
In capitalism, in general, a mixed economy and political pluralism imp-
concessions which the to the workers The bourgeoisie accepts the existence of workers' organisations, and some
publications; makes for example
In our society it is the other way
working class, une workers in power, make concessions to the bourgeoisie in the political and economic sphere. But the fundamental force is the society, the fundamental owner of its economic resources.
and political hegemony are in the hands of the workers, and this is the substantial difference.
of the
revolutions political pluralism has disappeared. In ours it exists. Moreover in other revolutions it disappeared in spite of the desires of the leaders of those revolutions. The mixed economy has survived in some
but has DUCESSES proportion lo the political pluralism. interrelation berween political pluralism and the mixed
In the concrete case of our country, political pluralism guarantees the
but there is a context: here there is a revolution and we are not going to abandon it. It will proceed with the resistance of the secondary classes of
June classes WIlO struggle for power after having lost it.
this country fought for power and won it. Now the classes which were dislodged from
gel ll back. cycl ihough they have a definite economic
In the past the workers had very
- one could say There was virtually no and mixed The economy was in the hands of the Somoza family and the
The workers never had demands and could never own anything at all. They were not allowed to express political
they were denied publications in which to put forward
They were not allowed to organise. There were no trade unions, much less workers' political parties.
front, which emerged in the '70s, began to fight for this. these rights, but arms in hand. It took
What power, leading the workers through armed struggle and not through any
conceded ll by the
Thus in our country there was The never a mixed economy or political
were conquered by Latin This reality differenother austencal
of the politics of the USA towards Central
North American government towards Central America is the same as its world policy: it wants lo recuperale its imperial authority. It wants to stop revolutionary expansion in Central America. Il wants lo destroy the Nicaraguan revolution. They do not want just to limit our
helping LIC penetrating Hon-
duras, or prevent our revolution be
For restrict its radicalising influence, or substitute
They tOr
They cannot lolerate us in any
shape or form. I believe they would not even accept us if we sold out and prostrated ourselves. We aren't going io, but even if we did they wouldn't accept us. We are a foreign organism in imperialism's body. They simply don't accept the Nicaraguan revolu tion. Everything they do turns around
perspectives a0 you see for revolutionary and democratic struggle in Latin America?
existence of the Nicaraguan revolution is the life insurance of the
American democracies. has. without doubt been a rush of democralic changes the liberal type, with social democratic aspiralions. APRA's victory in Peru is, we could say, the culmination. It might even happen in Chile, because the Pinochet dictatorship has beeome really insupportable. This might also move lowards a liberal democracy though perhaps with characteristics because or ine in fluence of the revolutionary move ment in Chile itself.
These kind quantitative changes will provoke contradictions within imperialism. tion expresses itself at present around the problem of international debl, but also in the existence of the Contadora group of states. Contadora is like a piece of grit in imperialism's eve.
These contradictions will grow bit by bit without becoming antagonistic
- unlike the antagonistic contradiclion between the USA and Nicaragua, belween the USA and Cuba, USA and the peoples America. This latter will become sharper and sharper I0 the point where conflicts will arise which can produce changes. That is to say, the future is one of struggle
conservatism is going 1o last al least a decade more and that il may presage a return to open aggression - which implies a lerrible and bloody struggle or our countries.
There the direct invasion there could be unforeseeable changes in the struggle against imperialism. It could lead to Strength being sapped, turn could have very serious political consequences which would qualilatively weaken yankee imperialism.
The United States has conducted a other world-wide campaign revolution based on FSLN made on the Atlantic Coast. What were these errors and how do you evaluate them in your treatment of the region?
Nothing in the world leaches better than mistakes. I think that our errors. made possible the violence Allantic Coast, and the counter-revolution were able 10 benefit from. licular, who did not lake part in the struggle against
been This
I think ference the Contras.
distrusting
basis.
live basis.
The
government
resources
We have 1o damental:
Nicaragua. government
of Latin country. contradiction
qualitative
We believe that North American
. But if this leads to
Nicaragua,
Plant. parl the USA's military
which in its statute would
against the (wo halves. Ine elrors une the which imperialism
The Miskilos in par-
WalICH Somoza, had very
International
high expectations in the revolution which it did not satisfy correctly.
The comrades who arrived on the Atlantic Coast wanted to transplant mechanically the solutions we had applied on the Pacific Coast, into a very different situation. This provoked irritation, leading to a vicious circle ot unjustfied violence which US imperialism was able to exploit
Though unfortunately this cost the Nicaraguan people of both Atlanlic and Pacitic Coast much blood and much grief, I think that it has raised the status of the inhabitants of the Allantic Coast. The war has been very negative and the conflict could have
resolved without bloodshed. has now begun to happen, though it will take a long time to heal the wounds on the Allantic Coast.
that the high level of mistrust which existed in an important sector of the Miskitos is now receding quite noticeably. The very fact that the fighting has stopped shows some element of confidence. Moreover, we have granted their re quest for autonomy and converted the region into the property of its inhabitants, a highly democratic and revolutionary decision, the recogni tion of a democratic demand. The fact that there are only shades of dif-
between their •emane autonomy and the demands of the revolution, indicales a certain identification with the print ciples of the revolution in this respect.
We believe that in time there will be mutual confidence between us and the sectors who rose up in arms on the Allantic Coast, including those who have recently come into conflict with
Whatever their reasons for distrusting the Frente Sandinista, they have many more reasons for
in e Somocista nationa guard. The reasons why they mistrust us are artificial, without a justifiable
while the reasons for their mistrust of the Contras have an objec
Miskito organisation, Misura, has laid down various conditions for autonomy: the existence of a Miskito
and an representatives of the various ethnic groups, their control of the natural
of the coast and of the troops in the region, as a part of the Sandinista popular army.
begin from one funthere only one Decisions on the form of and the placement of armed forces are central decisions, so that any autonomous powers have lo be stricily defined by ihe laws of this
We propose, in our statute autonomy, local authorities must be chosen by thę inhabitants of the Allantic Coast.
The use of woods and water, as resultes of the Allantic Coast, have to be exploited as a funclion of the interests of the nation, but laking into account local interests. This includes the forms of exploitation, which have to be decided by the inhabilants of the area.
There will be (wo lypes of statute: local and national. National ones, by law, will have to dedicate an impor-
the Allantic Coast's resources for reinvestment there. But one cannot think ihat such a national
be exclusive lo the Allantic Coast. ally more than a statue concerning the Pacific Coast would be exclusive to the Pacific. This would mean dividing the country into
If we find oil in the Pacific, it would be absurd 1o invest the fruits only in the Pacific Coast and not on the Allantic Coast. Strategic resources such as hydroelectric power and minerals have 1o be exploiled in the interests of the whole nation, privileging in some sense the local areas from where these resources come. Al the same lime we have to develop imporlanı projecis with a local character, for example the African palm project,
would fundamentally benefit the Allantic Coast.
Page 11 scan of this page
TUC and state funds te da
News
WE ALL BROKE THE LAW
WHEN WE FOUGHT FOR
THE RIGHTS YOU HAVE TODAY!
TOLPUD
THE TUC has called a special conference of union executives in February to 'discuss' and almost certainly reverse its defiance of government cash-torballots legislation.
The move is backed by Norman Willis, Ron Todd and Communist Party member Mick McGahey. It follows an eight to one vole in favour of accepting cash-for-ballots in the AUEW. down from the (welve to one majority recorded Lulc erigineer's first ballol, the
Forgemasters: step
up the solidarity!
STEELWORKERS Sheffield's Forgemaster's Atlas site are preparing step up their 12 week old strike.
All 700 strikers receivea lellers or aismissal a week before Christmas,
ment ultimatum 1o relurn
By Martin Hill
work or face the sack Now they have been told they can only relurn as 'new starters' This would
that workers with years of service would lose iheir seniority and pension rights.
The steelworkers have not been deterred. Pickets burnt their dismissal notices the factory oal deermination. Their mood is one
They.
have neto for •weeks, and defied moves by ISTC and AUEW of-ficials 10 force them back 10 work.
The central issue in the strike is the right 1o centralised Irade union representation and elecied convenor. Managemen! have *reorganised' the site into five separale companies, and
level any more. The strikers know thal 1o ac
effective ally organisation and a green light 1o managemenı lo lear up agreements.
An immediate response 1o the dismissal nolices came mom te neighbouling River Don works, also owned rorgemaslers.
The 700 workers there voled join the strike after the Cristmas break On 2 January the plant
vole was conclusive. In a 34.9 per ceni turnoul, 239,875 voted 31,569 against. The EEP-
By Jon Silberman
TU has recorded a similar large vole.
The voles have significantly strengthened was closed by pickels trom both River Don and Atlas sites. Now moves al C under way lo sel single trade union strucLure Sheffield sites.
The campaign for solidarity will be stepped uD as well. 'We have now changed VUl approach from purely fund-raising, said convenor Ron Ward, 'and we are now appealing for the blacking of all Forgemasters The company will try and use non-trade union firms lo get ils products finish d, but the companies tha use men are ace von organised. The gloves are
Already fund-raising has been a big Regular streel collections being ve held. Stickers di c reading supported the steelworkers' are now a common sight.
Labour Party and -*rade union branches have organised collections, with
Parar more ang
from the mining engineering noustes One collection a! Silverwood DIl raised £500; £3000 was raised ai Shardlows engineering works.A further gesture of solidari-
the invitation of
was sirikers' chidren miners' Christmas parties
Olher areas have con tribuled 100 a lour of Manchester and the North Wesı brought a particularly good response. Now the exiension of the dispute makes solidarity still more viial.
Donations 10: Ror Ward, Shop Steward. Committee
meceel Dispule Centre, AUEW House. Furnival Gale, Sheffield.
WARRINGTONN
lITe
He Eight's position in the
Some union leaders seem to think that if there
better.
David Williams, president of health union COHSE has said the AUEW and the EETPU should be suspended. The Morning Star 1o0k lhe same posilion on 18 December.
bul a soul on ins nalrow issue after thousands of EETPU members have registered their votes, would completely disorient the labour move-
and EETPU leaderships are themselves leading a drive to split the TUC around much broader The
ISSUCO responsibility for this has to be laid al their door. Scab
Their goal - • at Tory instigation IS lo 01Umote scab outfits, such as the UDM,
suustIluIc 'no-strike' deals for trade union righis. and to inrow
Irade union indsuborpendence dinating the unions to the
This in turn means open war, in collaboration with management. on ine existing trade union movement:
Later this month the EETPU has organised joint conference with the UDM with which
already collaborates through the right wing. organisation Mainstream
"no-strike'
is entering scab agreements with Rupert Murdoch and unoin-buster Eddie Shah.
Murdoch has already announced he will be making a separate agreement with the EETPU concerning his plans to print the London Post at his new Wapping plant. EETPU members have already helped shir SOCAT and NGA opini- against tion. Nissan
The AUEW is trying 1o exclude the TGWU and GMBATU in a similar deal with Nissan ('Imagine a company where nobody strikes') for their new North Éastern plant.
With such moves any DICICHLC of trade union unitv ceases lo exist. lhe right wing is creating instead unity between themselves. the bosses and the government against the rade uton movement
Tory policy clearly focusses on building up such scab alternatives. The increasing role of bodies Eddie Shah is big mates with Margaret Thatcher...
such as the Federation of Professional Railway Servalito. and the formation on 3 January of FUMPO, an anti-TUC organisation of managers 1n NALGO,
evidence of the future iney nave in store lor tre unions.
Liverpool
Neither the TUC nor the Labour leaders are doing anything to split drive. Neil Kinnock's entire energy is centred on Liverpool Council TOI their crime of implemenling Tory Party policy, ...and Duffy was just as big mates with Robert Maxwell
«ENTERPA
while the wreckers of the AUEW, UDM, and EETPU receive not a mention.
Nothing is even bein!
policy. On the contrary, the special conference is lo reverse tha policy. During the AUEW ›allot there was a deafen ng silence from the TU(
where all the local AUEW District Commitlees came out for a 'No' vote and backed a local meeting 10 campaign for it, try as we might we could not l gel a single member of the General Council 1o speak on the platform.
The problem is that the
leaders are against the only real alternative 1o the right-wing's policy, which is lo stand up for
matter what it lakes. facing the TUC are polas
alculas along iwo steps behind the right, or follow the policy of union solidarily and
struggle which ArCass thur Scargill projected in the miners' strike. If it was clear that the print unions could rely on real TUC backing 10 pickel Mur doch oul, the EETPU leadership would be isolaled and its split drive pushed back.
Socialist Action 10 Januar i.:.
MI LARKE:
r 15 THELDOT
HIS WORKERS
GET THE
BOOT
Silent Night in
Huddersfield
HUDDERSFIELD trades council joined the growing list of labour movement organisations actively supporting the Silentnight strikers before Xmas.
Local meetings organised included One.
By Paul Perkins
with shop stewards trom local factories and TGWI busworkers. Already £250 has been raised and a further f50 a month pledged from Hopkinsons workers.
The Huddersfield Polytechnic Labour Club also raised f50 and more monev was collected at a Youth Action meeting in Huddersfield.
Trevor King of the Silentnight strikers plained the lessons of the suirike. fighting for our right to WURK he said, Tom Clarke the owner of Silentnight. But are also fighting the courts, the Tories and the whole Stale
'We have to make a stand like the miners.
Yesterday it was them; to-
Africa is available by post from Other Books:
South Africa: white rule, black revolt,
postage Class and Colour in South Africa 1850-1950,
Aid Fund, 702pp, £5.00 plus £1.33 postage. Heart of My Soul Winnie Mandela, Penguin, 159pp, £2.95 + 25p postage.
To honour women's day: profiles of leading women in the South African and Namibian liberation struggles, IDAF, 56pp, f1.00 plus 22p postage. Nelson Mandela: I am prepared to die,
IDAF, 48pp, 50p plus 18p postage
Nelson Mandela: The struggle is my life, IDAF, 208pp, £1.85 plus 46p postage
Books, PO Box 50, London NI 2XP.
day it's us, tomorrow il could be you.'
One of the activities in the area was noon's leafleting the Night and Day shop Huddersfield town centre, owned Clarke's son John Worried by the possibility of leafleters turnino away potential shop pers the manager came outside. 'We are not the only shop selling Silentnight heds.' he said, leaflet here? Anyway, slow Xmas, so why not try someone else?
Trevor King gave the 'But yours is the alower. only shop owned "AD.
Clarkes, said. yes, you're right about the business. So we'll be back for the January sales!'
Huddersfield trades council plans to turn that promise into action by building support tor the leafletting Night and Day in the New
• All Information and donations for Silentnight strikers, contact: FTĂT, Cravendale 92 Branch, Strike Fund, c/0 Ann King, 10 Rainhill Cres Barnoldswick, Col 813662). Lancs- (phone: 0282
Other Books
The following selection of books on South
Ernerst Harsch, Monad, 352pp, £6.25 plus 69p
Jack and Ray Simons, International Defence and Make cheques or postal orders payable to IMRS. Orders with payment should be sent to: Other
Page 12 scan of this page
ACTiON US/Israeli terror in Middle East
En Defend Liverpool!
IN A SHOW of gunboat diplomacy more reminiscent of the nineteenth century than the last quarter of the twentieth, the United States armed forces are parading the Mediterranean threatening military action against Libya. The US aircraft carrier Coral Sea has started to cruise off the Libyan coast. Other military threats made against Libya include B52 bomber strikes from bases in the United States and F1-11 attacks from US bases in Britain.
The Israeli regime meanwhile has let il be known that it plans reneweo millary acloll. Dul llis nol staling.
asatilsi whom this will be directed.
By Joe Green
The alleged reason for this military activily were the attacks at Vienna and Kome al les But the real reasons are the problems facing US and Israeli policy in the Middle East.
When the Israeli army invaded Lebanon the summer of 98211 was seen as a logical step in forcing Arao acceolance oi dic cxistence of the Zionist state in the Middle East. Egypt had already concluded Kalc Wilh Israel in the Camp David agreement.
Israel s aim was lo install a regime favourable to it in
This would Lebanon. turn permit Jordan's King Hussein come 10 an agreement with Israel.
But events turned out very amerenty lo le way the invaders had planned. he Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), UlluCI Arafat, was forced out Lebanon. But Israeli altempts lo create a client Christian regime in Lebanon completely failed. Syria emerged as the dominant force the
Having been defealed
Lebanon the United Stales and SaCI turned
The aim nas 1o force ane
aim was lo force the PLO to accept the United
SoCiAList
Nations resolutions recognising state Israel and allow Hussein to completely suDoronale the Arafal-led PLO 1o his governcl
But, for this plan 1o work, either Syria and the PLO, had 1o be lolally broken, so inal Hussein was safe lo carry through a complete sell oul, least some concession had
be offered 1o Jordan and the Palestinians. the event Israel failed 10 smash Syria and it had no concessions wilateve. the Palestinian people. On the
Israel has been Culillaly stepping up its policy of colonisation and repression in the occupied West Bank.
Syria
The result was that the
Peo has refused so aciens
Teso uuOns recognising Israel and
some reconciliawith the Syrian LOIl government
Facing this impasse Israel and the United Stales are contemplating a way out through renewed military Strategically, Israel needs 1o strike blow against Svria This, however, would involve a Haoraew war.
First, therefore, Syria must be isolated. If this cannot be achieved diplomacy then military allacks on other Arab stales which refuse 10 fall
US ane will Israeli policies may be called for. Libya is one such
UBSCRIBE
US aircrafi carrier al sea
state.
This is the real reason
for the US
mililary threals.
nothing
struggle "ler.
rorism'.
"The sraeli governmen!
is easily the biggesıR ter-
TOTSI regime mn une chure
Middle East. Il is pari of
US and Israeli plans for
The Middle
CaSI
The entire labour
movement should under-
stand the reason for any
US Israeli altacks
Libya or any orner Arad
country in the region
and op-pose il.
Special free book offer!
Take out a years inland subscripcion and we will send you free one of hese books:
On Afro American History
by Malcolm X
•or The Struggle is My Life by Nelson Mandela
Special offer four months isses for
the rest of the Labour Party misleadership.
Kinnock signalled by his speech to Labour Part conference that he had no intention of linea finite Liverpood, defend councils
conference policy or no conference policy. And he put his money where his mouth was last month when he unleashed mammoth witch-hunt against the District Labour Party.
Liverpool councillors have already Deen and found guilty: by the ruling class and the Tory Party, by their cronies in the media, and by the right wing leaders of the Labour Party and the trade unions.
Kinnock is hell-bent on Making sure Wal the con ditions for building the much-needed
Solluaril with Liverpool across the labour movement are worst he can create. The
NEC has now decided that no more public sittings of the Liverpool enquiry will take place before the court 65 case which begins nes Monday.
But that enquiry hues not been called off. And neither has the District
THIS COMING week sees the beginning of iwo court cases against Liverpool and Lambeth councillors, all of whom face possible surcharges and disqualification from office. These trials are political stitch-ups, brought by stooges of the Tory government with the full complicity of Neil Kinnock and
Party been reconstituted.
Auckas sal tetermete to wipe out the Liverpool party and its councilors.
By Annie Brady
•Liverpool councillors are being victimised precisely because have fought for and carried out porcie. adopted by Labour Party conference. Eric Heffer told us. And he's right 'The reason why every single party member should support Liverpool council,' said,
bu the party policy of
out the party policy strict non-compliance with the government's culo
ment must organise 1o give them al the financial and other support that they are
Following Eric Heffer's advice is the best was of ensuring that the lors government's attacks are thwarted. "Rallying to the support of Liverpool
council is the best way to let Neil Kinnock know that party members willi tolerate witch-hunts against those whose
'crime' is defending the in-
working class.
•.. and Lambeth
LAMBETH coun-
cillors, 100, face
court case beginning
the day after Liver-
pool's, on Tuesday 14 they
January at the High
Court in the Strand.
Although Lambeth dead has set a rate, they are
facing charges
'willfully' delaying set-
#Hon tence causi.
'additional expense'
'is The case is
ratt layers
likely to last for at least
two-three weeks and
the JulLUISiC
Lambeth councillors,
to0, is possible surcharge
and disqualification.
Town hall unions are
organising an all-night
8.30am. trade Labour alle
Party memhers will
march from County
Liverpool
not
fighting . Juna,
more information
witch-hunts up and the country.
Hall's Jubilce Gardens to the Strand, to picket the court during the first day's hearing
Activities begin this Sunday when the Lambeth Labour Parties are holding a rally 2pm at lambeth lown Hall The iwo-hour rally will hear Arthur carail and Dennis Skinner speak in defence of the council's stand against Tory cuts 10 They will be joined by Bernie Grant and Sharon Atkin, chair of black
neroe i for Lambeth councillor, as
hambeth leade Ted Knight and Hazel Smith, housing chairperson.
• For more information contact Lambeth council 6)|| 01-214 or the low/ hall unions on 01-674 9844 ex/ 180.
← Socialist Action No. 125, 20 December 1985Socialist Action No. 127, 17 January 1986 →