whatever the final outcome. The road o the battles in Liverpool and Lambeth CND had developed massively after gain, in 1986, the opposition to the US ttacks on Libya and Britain's comlicity in this.
In December 1981 Arthur Scargill ras elected president of the NUM ommencing the movement culminated in the 1984-85 strike - and ne emergence of the first class struggle cadership in the British labour movenent for sixty years.
The great historical contribution of he NUM, as we have noted, was not imply the sheer scale of that strike ne longest mass strike in the history of ny imperialist country. It was that in his struggle, with an increasing degree consciousness, the NUM ogether for the first time all the forces hich had been created in the previous eriod. That strike began to show, in moryo, the type of alliances which lone can bring about ransformation of Britain.
The Campaign group of MPs had ome initially into existence in early 982. it was formally 1982. As our explained its own formation:
The reasoning behind the establishof the group within parliament principally borne among PLP members h the inactive role of the Tribune first time in group of Wing on outside parliament.
The occasion, that came with the miners strike.
of the miners.
of the miners and which MPs such as Tony Benn and knitted side parliament.
socialist was cessful and significant campaign. Campaign Rights (LCLGR)
strengthened itself.
able but group within parliament and also the need to establish a more positive campaigning role for MPs outside parliament with and on behalf of the labour and trade union movement.' For the recent British history a British MPs began to attempt to brought systematically link up with struggles goOuL.
and the testing, of • The Campaign group turned into the strike misplaced. and became, in the words of Tony Benn, the parliamentary support group Campaign group MPs been. spoke to over 1,000 meetings in support raised aSCe Les of thousands of pounds. Campaign group Dennis Skinner became totally identified with The result was that the Campaign group emerged out of the miners strike tar to the left of the positions it had what has entered it — with the group as a whole, or leading members, calling for an end to British membership of NATO, the removal of all US bases, support for the demands of WAC, defence of the black youth, voting against the Anglo-Irish Accord. The campaign group began to establish closer links with the party out the very • The Lesbian and Gay movement organised developed by the miners strike. Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners was a spectacularly sucThe Labour Campaign for Lesbian and Gay developed which • While a large part of the local before. Its cutting edge was the miners, but they were linked to far wider forces.
Even where there was a continuity in organisation the entire left reorganised developed by miners struggle and following events -particularly the second round of black uprisings in 1985.
This social deepening of the left has also meant that while Kinnock has been Amount a serious offensive against it, he has not been able to buy it off or break it up. The NUM defeated in the strike and weakened but Kinnock was unable to smash and remove Scargill. Women Against Pit Closures still exists and massive support for the miners continues to exist throughout the labour movement.
The Labour Party Black Section has significantly increased in strength.
Despite considerable efforts Kinnock has not been able to break the women's movement in the party. Imperialism attempted to derail Sinn Fein's support in Ireland with the Anglo-Irish Accord, Sinn Fein remains massively stronger and more politically developed than before the hunger strikes. A series MeTt councils were split defeated but two, Liverpool Lambeth, did fight - Ted Knight may have been removed by the courts in Lambeth but he has been replaced by Linda Bellos and the Black Section who have a still firmer potential social base than Knight did.
The massive social forces that were compressed by Thatcher in 1979, which broke up the existing structure of ponucs in 1981, together by the miners 1984-85, continue to work themselves The present, fashionable, 'doom and gloom' on the left is completely Taken historical perspective the social roots of the left today are far deeper than they have ever It is simply an illusion to believe that the capitalist class would respond to the emergence of these new forces without the most violent attempt to destroy them - using Kinnock as one of their chief instruments to do this.
offensive which has been against the left represents one of the inevitable attempted reactions against developed. sharp damaging counter-offensive against the rise of the left - - not the beginning of the end of the left wing of the labour What has taken place since 1981, qualitatively deepened by the miners strike also shows, an implicit developing agenda for the left - one indicated by developements which been outlined. The task is to render that development conscious to bring 1n COINCOUS way the forces that bring together spontaneously through its sheer power and, most importantly, to link these to an international strategy and struggle.
The new forces and organisations erupted in 1981, together around the miners strike, have to be organised in the campaigns and organisations that embody them, in the CLPs where they are strong, and to were coalition government with the Alliance or other capitalist parties.
• The creation of alliances in the fight for socialism. The most urgent of such struggles today are those in solidarity with those fighting US imperialism 310l with the tional struggle weapons. seen The possibility to launch a serious campaign for the removal of all US bases from deepen this.
Such an internationalist perspective also linking fighting socialist Eastern Europe.
• A specific decisive place in the fight against imperialism for socialists in Britain is represented by Ireland. Ireland is Britain's oldest colony. Uniquely six of its counties are held within the British state. the Ireland has a uniquely important place among the tasks of British socialists.
• Developing canne the labour movement is a decisive axis of advance today. It is a vital part of overcoming what Trotsky described as the 'aristocratic' British labour movement Many form of an alternative Central America, : struggle against apartheid in and with the internaagainst nuclear will powerfully up with those minority interrelated.
the miners during Total British withdrawal from labour movement.
CLPs, deepening selfot the oonressed within year character of the - its failure against YTS and the other cheap labour schemes, for health and safety at work, to defend jobs, all have to be the core of : socialist policy for the Without this, socialism ap pears either as impractical, not linked to the direct concerns of the working , or as simply abstract plans pro duced by academics.
• Finally none of this will be sučcessful without a continuing drive to democratise the labour movement — both the Labour Party and the unions.
This of course is an enormous agenda for the left — one that would revolutionise British society and its labour movement. But it is one which, as a current, • beginning to emerge — and one that is coherent and What it would mean in practice was revealed in its full scope in 11 a more fragmented form, in the campaigns and struggles which have emerged before after it. They give the beginning of an historical opportunity to transform the nature of the British The task today is to thrash out a common agenda for this task across the left and to organise these forces across every part of the labour movement the unions, within the parliamentary party, in the black community, and in every other area where they exist. What was achieved for one 'spontaneously' by the mines strike through its sheer power, 30a ta to be achieved by the left as a somson: worked out policy.
Socialist Action 6 June 1986 THE LABOUR Committee on Ireland (LCI)'s submission to the Labour Party NEC represent one of the most comprehensive statements ever made of the case for total British withdrawal from Ireland. It is a major contribution to the discussion taking within the on policy towards Ireland.
Last week we carried major extracts trom the statement on why Britain must withdraw from Ireland. This week we carry the conclusion of the statement — on why and how the Labour Party should prepare a policy of total withdrawal from Ireland.
THE argument often used against withdrawal slogan than solution, or that it is 'too simple find Much hostility against the demand for withdrawal comes from the fact that whereas up till now it has not been advocated by any major political party in Britain, opinion polls show it overwhelmingly the favoured solution in the minds of the British people as a whole.
Essentially the slogan Out!' embodies an approach which is for a unilateral withdrawal of Britain from Ireland and a recognition of the right of the Irish people as a whole to place unconvincing.
most 'Troops military eventually. that it prepare Commission Treland.
a Commission be The cessful, it would be foolhardy to think could be implemented immediately a Labour Government were returned to office unless the time prior to such an election were not used the ground. preparation should start as soon as policy has been agreed at Conference and consist principally of a 'hearts and minds' campaign.
The long term objective of such a campaign would be iwo fold. Firstly to convince Unionists the Six Counties that Labour was absolutely committed to carrying out the policy of immediate withdrawal. Secondly to build such a popular movement of support in this country behind that policy that the security forces will not refuse to carry it out.
The Labour Party should set up a calece ICSOB sibility to oversee our fight against abuses of civil liberties which result from government polices on Irelana Such a body should reach out to involve local parties, councils, women's organisations and the trade union movement in public education about Hotels the PTA, Diplock Courts, the 'supergrass' system, army shoot-to-kill policies and strip searching. This should aim to discredi direct rule and British involvement in The Labour Party should establish charged with reponsibility to monitor and combat censorship in the media. . Its role should
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1979. In 1982 its left wing led the op- position to the Malvinas war — as it led
AM CON OUTH
Tories or any deal with the Alliance This includes rejecting
ANC APO