its most famous product Spam. iant compan Jnited States. Last Austin, Minnesota.
The origin of the P-9 was the Austin workers refusal to grant COnCeSSIOnS demanded by the comThis is itself important in a country where the movement's last few years have been dominated by ConcessIoll after concession granted ov unions to the manage. ment. The policy of conhas been suD' ported by the leadership of AFL-CIO the equivalent of the TUC.
Still more important than the individual fight against concessions, the troduced many methods of into the United States that have not been seen since the 1930s. These methods, such as flying pickets, SuDDOlL Colllllil" tees, revival of active union democracv. and turning to the most oppressed for support, are the same on a far smaller scale, as those seen in the miners strike in Britain.
As result the strike has become a battle with not only the company but with the leaderships of both the UFCW and the AFL-CIO Since the end of World War Il the power of the US unions has been deeply eroded by the policies of the AFL-CIO eadership. Union membershipha cent to the cent the workforce. CoraDoranon with the employers has been followed all down the Local P-9's members have set out on another course. They using other struggle methods to organise their Local (branch) P-9 was first organised in a militant sit-down strike in 1933. A annual wage vasu un a Jo 10ul Weck was negotiated by the union in 1940.
Since 1960 the Hormel management has been Hormel company — although they certainly know But Hormel is a — one of the 500 largest firms in the August 1,500 meatpackers employed by Hormel, members of the United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) Local (branch) P-9, were forced on strike at the company's plant in demanding substantial Concessions trom Ine Hormel has succeeded in torcing through 16 of the last 22 years. The offensive against the union escalated in 1978 when the company threatened to close the Austin plant. members were forced to accept a contract that put their incentive payments into an account provided Hormel with $20 million to build a new plant.
When the plant 1982 workforce was reduced from 4,000 to 1,500. Working conditions deteriorated in the new plant.
Hormel arbitrarily slashed the workers wages. When the old contract expired 1985 the company offered to bring wages back up to $10 an hour Ineaverage wage paid in the chain of Hormel plants.
However, thẹ company demanded maior new concessions which included slashing the job security soicill. establishing the right to punish injured of a new wage scale system hired wider BICWIV workers would be paid substantially less than those already employed.
Other company demands included the elimination of maternity leave, and cuts in health care benefits.
In preparing for the the local began by involving all workels al luc plalll, their families, in activity that educated evervone on the issues involved dispute.
This democratic form of organisation has con. tinued throughout the strike. P-9's president Jim Guyette has stated on numerous that 'only members OI started this strike, and only they will end it.' The first official recognition. This was given by William Wynn, president of the UFCW, and by the union's executive committee. In January 1986 P-9 membership voted to request the union to sanction flying pickets al the Hormel plants in Fremont. Nebraska Ottuma, Iowa. Wynn reneged on his carner agreement lo sanction the pickets and launched a public allack P-9's leadership that was carried by newspapers and television across the US.
Wynn's statements denouncing the strike helped set the stage for the gover nor of Minnesota lo call the National Guard into Austin protect entering the plant.
In spite of these attacks 500 workers at the Ottuma plant, and 56 at the Frepicket workers were immediately sacked by Hormel.
The UFCW have taken a number steps to try to force the members of P-9 to toe the the macany. These incultually clude ending official recognition of the dispute, and cutting off strike pay. Most seriously the lica tional leadership receiver to seize local P9s HHOVCUr Cal The UFCW leadership is now trying to negotiate a settlement with the company that includes taking on the 500 scabs working in the plant. These moves against P-9 have been supported by the US courts P-9 members have con tinued the strike in spite of the torces against them. They have spoken at hundreds of ches across the country. Many union branches have "adopted' P-9 families to support for the duration of In addition to this support branches the National Organisation of Women the most important Olcanisalul the United States has supported the strike. So has the Coalition of Black Unionists the most important black trade union organisation in the US.
Demonstrations support for the strike have been held in Austin. On 12 April, after the police teargassec beat peaceful pickets outside the plant, 6,000 unionists, and other supdemonstrated Austin in support of the The Hormel workers have called a week of pro. tests in Austin June to 28 June. The week of actions, called Solidarity City, will include peacetul demonstrations picket lines the Hormel plant and building a tent city. The strikers are calling on 'labour, unions, farm groups, civil rights groups, students and other organisations to and bring cars, buses, and tractors for a week of protest in Solidarity City for the International solidarit)
Hormel strike important. Messages support, financial can be the National Hormel Strike Committee, PO Box 655, Austin, Minnesota 55912, USA.
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Organisers of general strikes which paralysed Port-au-Prince on Tuesday 10 and Friday 13 June say they will escalate action if they don't get a civilian government. The strikes were called by over 28 political, community and labour Opposition to the military junta created by former Duvalier chief of staff general Henri namony das been growing since Wavaner was driven out. Initially demands focussed on the punishment and removal of former Duvalierists particularly from the Tontons Macoutes - his private secret police — at local and intermediate levels. But as Namphy deploys his troops to defend the former torturers and attack the people, the movement has begun to demand his removal.
The groups who organised the general strike want to get rid of two government officials immediately: Colonel Williams Regala and finance minister Leslie De La Tour. Significantly, the demand for De La Tour's removal is coupled to a demand for economic measures in support of the poor, whose living standard is among the
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tou Shalt not protest thou Shalt only say what they Hormet want you to sut tou Statt lel scabs of couna, cif