addressed one of the most funthe damental of all questions of the South African revolution the dependence of the working class.
The strength of Foster's speech was its totally unequivocable commitment to the independent organisation and politics of the working Foster stated: 'We have no intention of becoming self-satisfied unionists incapable of giving political direction to the workers struggle.' He concluded: 'It is, therefore, that workers must strive to build their own powerful and effective organisation even whilst they are part of the wider popular struggle.' Foster noted: Giving leadership to the working class reouires an organisational base.
While setting out quivocable commitment to working independence Foster taniously outlined relations with the ANC. Foster stated: "The ANC had to overcome racial division so as to rise above the divisive racism of the oppressors. They had to deal with opDOTLIHUSUC tribal end organise thousands upon thousands of people and they had to do all this in the face of harsh repression by state. In achieving this there is little wonder that the ANC rose to become one of the great liberation movements in Africa.' Foster outlined that stressing independent working class organisation the and poltics did not mean opposition to the ANC. He states: 'FOSATU as a trade union will clear v not constitute TAP I working would this place FOSATU in opposition to the wider political struggle or its major liberation movement.
The very fact that Foster talked of independent working class organisation, while stating that the working class 'are part of the wider popular leit posed the question o1 working class organisations cooperating with a body such as the ANC This policy was dramatically put into - that of the in- Transvaal general strike, called as a united action between the United Democratic Front (UDF) and point or tne mass acuons I soull Africa prior to the general strikes of 1 Foster's position was its insistence on essential political independence its weakness, and therefore that of FOSATU at that time, was on why such independence was necessary even betore the apar theid regime was overthrown in South argued this led to the danger of a narrowing of the perspective of working this uneclass independence today simulthe working class had to be organised independently to protect itself against the type of regime that would exist leadership, oner doarcc na occu over nowi cesstul popular movements have had • the as their aim the overthrow of the opregimes. But these movements cannot and have not in themselves been able to deal with the particular and fundamental problem of workers. Their regarded as illegitimate and unaccepmovement nor workers must strive to build their own powerful and effective organisation even whilst they are part of the wider necessal y worker interests and to ensure that the popular movement is not hijacked by elements who will in the end have no June sueec.
most often colonial essentid speech given by Jay Naidoo, general secretary of COSATU, at the University of Natal on 18 March this year. Naidoo was previousiy a leader of terms and in relation to the present, as well as the future, struggles in South African. He said: 'we see ourselves as part and parcel of the broad struggle against apartheid and racism. We see ourselves as full participants in the peace in South Africa independent working class organisation, politics and leadership, the great strength of hoster's position. with ar make in struggle. He argued: 'We are not fighting for freedom which sees the bulk of workers continuing to sutfer as they do today. We therefore see it as our duty to promote workingthat no struggle has ever involved one social force acting alone. We therefore have to look carefully at our society to avoid isolating ourselves as workers and defining our friends and allies too narrowly, ie the danger of workerism;
ourselves in an incoherent mass mood Naidoo stressed: 'It was recognised •that COSATU, as a representative of the working class, is seized with the Combouel stress and strength of roster's positior on the development of independent politics but at the same time stressed the alliances that the working class step backwards to populism, Naidoo's position registers a massive step forward in the thinking of the COSATU A Marxist might, of course, want to give a more 'classical' formulation than Naidoo. It could be put as the hunger and poverty the right to work, the right to proper and a meaningtu education svsten gone hand in hand with our exploitiation and suffering at the hands of the bosses. Free enterprise has not been something separate and business to distance themselves from the present discredited regime, have learnt one important lesson, that the root and fruit of the apartheid tree is the exploitaiton of workers in South merely change the skin colour of our oppressors.' Naidoo concluded: 'It is clear in the specific conditions of our wallly it is inconceivable that separated trom economic emancipaAfrica, the destruction of apartheid, itself involves a gigantic social revolution - the taking of the land by the black population, the formation of a the ot the COlmlv. creation of the base for political liberty. All historical experience, and any examination of the social reality of confined within the framework of a the examples of India, Algeria, Zimbaowe ane maav ouner saows carrying through the destruction of apartheid racism in South Africa. On. ly if the capitalist state is destroyed, if democratic tasks of the revolution themselves be carried through to their COICIUSIOI -South Africa will grow out of the - not bi politics with the necessary alliances to action with the ANC, which poses the question of what type of regime will come out of the revolution in South Alrca mense stride forward for the struggle
LAST FRIDAY, the International Court of Justice ruled that the United States is in breach of internaSocialist Action 4 July 1986