not simply a question of its obvious subordination to the regimes in although that is a very real factor.
The most obvious and striking feature about the Mornine alliances which Labour needs. For example the union most completely influenced by the Morning Star, TASS, has never voted in favour of the demands of the Women's Action Committee at Labour Party conference — nor has the Morning Star campaigned for it to do so. has never voted in tavour of black sections and nor has favour of it doing so.
The most obvious and striking aspect of the Morning. Star on British 'economism'. It constantly intones about 'Class politics'. But when the actual content of what is being said is considered, it is clear that what is really meant is the primacy of economic ques tions. A harder line, at union front is coupled with crass economism and opposition to the alliances Labour needs. Morning Star sometimes appears as a sort of gigantic version of Militant.
The consequences of this are disastrous for the left. Exactly the counterposition the LCC, and Marxism Today, Labour Party is one representing progressive, democratic, 'alliance based' politics and Militant and the Morning Star representing crude economism. In that struggle, of course, crushed. The small fact that Marxism Today, in particular, doesn't support the key Labour needs is never mentioned.
More important than these siderations, on the politics of Militant and the Morning Star Labour could never build a majoriThat is why, no matter alliances are made, the politics of Militant and the Morning Star have to be decisively rejected by the left.
But a question arises: Why does the Morning Star have this politics? It is a little subtle but very important to understand.
Both the Morning Star and Marxism Today share a common framework where, today, the working class is not to be the leading class in society. politics of the popular front - for that is what its political framework is -class should be subordinated to the Alliance.
The Morning Star does not have a force with strategy anday. The best is can find is a fent strategy today. The best is can bishops, rather than a substantial political force such as the Alliance. framework of its politics.
On the theory of the Morning Star the goal of the working class is to link up with a progressive section of the bourgeoisie — alliance (with a small 'a'). The working class will protect its specific framework in particular its terests. But the working class is not seeking to lead the whole of the oppressed against capital.
The working capitalist partners. ing Star is just, in todays conditions, an expression of that popular front strategy:
What is absent in any of these frameworks is the reat alliances that working leads. capital. The working class as the decisive core of an alliance for Labour's left is beginning to develop.
Eastern Europe is its reiection ot the Similarly TASS the Morning Star campaigned in politics is present, on the trade The want to create in the between those allegedly Militant and the Morning Star will be tactical conwhat temporary For Marxism Today its' version of the - means that the working Is a teW But that does not alter the - on terms set by that interests within that economic inis subordinated to its The economism of the Mornare needed. That the the oppressed against socialism. In short the politics LABOUR IS heading into its annual conference with a standing in the polls of between 36 and 40 per cent — not enough to win an oyerall majority at a general election. launched on Labour's youth organisation, on the allow the creation of Black Sections in the party. JOHN ROSS looks at the relation between these developments and how "internal' the party are directly connected to winning Labour a maJority.
In 1983 Labour suffered its worst electoral defeat since World War I.
This followed the most severe attack launched on the Labour Party since the inter-war-years all al tack organised above all SDP. With 28 per cent of the vote in 1983 Labour was right down to its rock solid support — the working class cities of the North, the council estates, At that time sections of the press. and momentaridreamt Margaret Thatcher that ther displace Labour altogether as a serious political force.
That they could re-create in Britain a two capitalist party system equivalent to the Democrats Republicans in the United States.
Defeat the SD Proclaimed goal of This was then the officially - being expressas lne SDP/Liberal Alliance aiming to replace Labour as the alternative to the Tories.
This particular offensive was defeated. There is not, and never was, a risk o1 Labour being ated as a party. Even the SDP no longer believes, least in the short run, that it can destroy Labour. It is instead discussing who to form a coalition with. vived this attack it did CreAt strategic issue which has to was ground down to a clearly munonly positiol. Within the party attacks are being and by refusing to struggles within Style of the GLC without the content A party whose support is confined manual workers, and bastions in the North, cannot gain a majority in certainly had to base itself on its core areas but in order to break out of them and build a majority around them. This is exactly what Kin. nock has failed to do.
However there have been two crucial, very dif ferent, experiences lected since Thatcher was which show how Labour can gain a majority.
The first experience, a reformist one, was that of the GLC The GLC was the most intelligent reformism seen in Britain for forty years 'reformism' explicitly because its base was the huge f2 billion rates income of council. Liv'interpreters in Marxism Today, has never said that the GLC anything other than extremely well done reformism.
But what the GLC did do was to use that massive Tales base to burd whole series of social alliances for Lo period bou genuine period genuine popularity in London.
The accompaniment of the GLC was a massive flowering of organisation, black organisation, help to the lesbian links innumerable organisations These alliances were based on the fact that London is the greatest centre of the black population in Brilalli. the Irish population, portions of women in work in the country These were areas in which London genuinely was advanced.
Kinnock has attempted take the 'style' of the GLC - the glossy advertising without taking the content. Whereas the GLC based on flowering of black self-organisation, lesbian and organisation, links with Kinnock precisely sought to Coman Crusa such organisation within the alLy Support This not an 'organisational' question.
popular because it based itself on a new series social alliances for Labour. Widespread support among women, active support in the black community, amongst young people was added to Labour's traditional base It was these alliances which created the mas. support for Labour and GLC Self-organisation was the expression The other example which showed the lessons, in a very different way, was the miners strike. Far from having room for reforms the miners had no choice but to tight They had their backs against the wall. But in that fight, aid ed by the previous example of the women's movement and the black movement, the miners reached out to Make widest of social alliances seen struggle in Britain this century. The miners Won. the Financial Times put it, "the largest civilian mobilisation since the Second World War.' dented gale of abuse from Despite unprecethe press and television the onslaught of the state and the attacks bv Kin. nock even the opinion polls showed the popula tion divided equally for against the Within the working class that meant a massive ma. jority for the strike The miners created the alliances - with women, with the black community, with every group of trade unionists • that needs. 'The same alliances. on a different basis, that were created by the GLC.
To cement these alliances however, the ones that would create a majority, the Labour Party would have to undergo a dramatic internal transformation. It would have to accept women's rights to control own organisations in the party, black self-organisation in the party and to create a mass youth movement. Kinnock has gone in exactly the op nosite direction on each of these Issues He has rejected the alliances Labour needs and left the party as a minority.
The result is the lurch of Labour under Kinnock towards coalition. Because by Labounrntenaining where it is, static and inert, there is no way it can create a majority. There are only two ways a political majority Involving can be The first is to move to - towards coalition with Ine This would be a 'majority' based OIS attacking the working class and oppress ed. it would mean Labou becoming police force for capitalism. • Its result would be demoralising right wing administration Tory-Alliance coalition, that would make That cherism appear like liberal regime The only other way for Labour to create a majori. tv is to consciously seek to ally the party's traditiona working base with women, …hlack com munity, and other sections of the oppressed. Thes 'minorities' but a majority of the population.
That however requires a totally different orientation to Kinnock. quires not clamping down self-organisation within the party but opening it up to the social alliances that • are needed The demands of the Women's Action Committee, of the Black Section of the needs to make links with the demand of Ireland for independence, are not internal affairs' of the party. They are directly linked to the only way it can create a majority in society.
Kinnock by his present COUSC S Crove ever alliance that could make majority society. The fight within the party for the demano of the Women's Committee, the Black Sec tion, and the other groups with whom Labour must ally are not a 'diversion' from winning the election They are part of the fight for the only way Labour gan secare a majocts m voley batters craters
Socialist Action 29 Aug 1986 Top SDP-or's