SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

By Phil Hearse

Socialist Action No. 15, 24 June 1983 · p. 8 of the scan · 441 words

The scan: 015-jun-24-1983-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
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page 8 of the scan

There's an awful feeling of deja vu about this argument. For it was exactly this proposition that the Gaitskellite right wing of the Labour Party put forward after Labour's defeat at the general election in 1959. The fight over IN THE mid-1950s, a group of right wing Labour theorists with what was called the The most them was Anthony Crosland, book, The Future of Socialism (1956), had a profound effect on the thinking of the right wing.

Crosland argued was becoming 'humanised' gradual re-distribution OI through progressive taxes democratic owners Managers were becoming important than owners of capital.

The old goals of nationalisation and Socialist Action dependencerincipe ping the coalitionist Liberals wanted the po the fosterenion ale came forward revisionist' keynote speech prominent 'old dogmas'. whose ful idealism capitalism by the broaden our base. dinary people wealth and more cuotes ridden fanatics'. companies. much more 1 urning argued that 'while Douglas Jay, another 'of the 'revisionist' authors, proposed getting rid of all references to nationalisation, breakIng une unks will tne trade unions and dropping the very name 'Labour Party More signiticantly, he proposed 'dropin olner woras some deal the Another leading right winger who sections joined the fray was Roy Jenkins, who to drop nationalisation revise the party constitution to lessen The Labour con Bevan ference in November 1959 Gaitskell's look up une tneme or must no longer count on old eroding loyalties. It must recognise the changes, continue to aciena me unacraog, appeal to youln• Four above all try to be in louen with or avoid becoming doctrinenationalisation he shall certainly we want to extend social ownership ... ou away.

The issue of Clause Four was largely a symbolic one. Many of the constituency delegales and trade unionists who regularly voted against further natonalisation were against the removal of Clause Four from the constitution.

The ensuing row was really over whether Labour should cease to be a party based on the working class, committed at least in name to socialism, or whether it should become just another capitalist party like, today's SDP Gaitskell's speech was booed by of the Foot, who had just been defeated in the strode IO Ine platform launch a bitter attack on the leadership conference ended with the cade sno rescue by saying that since everyone agreed that not everything should be nationalised, everyone was really agreement!

The uproar in the party over Clause was chorous. skell had to back down and abandon the attempt to scrap ll. The fight between Labour's left and right had within anilateral nuclear disarmameno Smuled LO question of the dispute over future of the Labour Party never went

← FoughtMust Labour stay a party of the past? →

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