Socialist Action No. 157, 23 January 1987
The scan: 157-jan-23-1987-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
No. 157 23 Jan 1987 30p
SoCAist
той
THE CASE of the Birmingham Six Dick Mcllkenny, Hugh Callaghan, Paddy Hill, Bill THE BIRMINGHAM 6 Power, Gerry Hunter and John Walker — is one of the greatest frame ups in British history. Six men who were totally innocent were tortured by the police to extract confessions that they had committed the Birmingham pub bombings with which they had no involvement and then framed up on forensic evidence which was proved to be totally false.
ANTI IRISH
ore benne. one of the most hardened reactionaries in the British legal system, explained in the court of appeal in November 1977 why the case of the Birmingham six could not be retried. He said if their accusations were true then the police had been guilty of violence, the confessions had been obtained by torture, that they were not admissible in evidence, the convictions were false, and the home secretary would have to recommend that they be pardoned or order a retrial. Denning
said: "This is such an appalling vista that every sensible FRAME UP
person in the land would say: "It cannot be right that these actions should go any further." They should be struck out.'
Six years later torture, false conviction and perjury are exactly what the police stand accused of - with the addition that Denning is shown up in his true light.
COLLAPSES
But the Birmingham six is not the only such case. Two other outstanding examples of frame-ups remain.
Paul Hill, Patrick Armstrong, Gerard Conlon and Carole Richardson — the Guildford four were all sentanced to life improsonment for bombing a Guildford pub and the King's Arms pub in Woolwich. An active service unit of the IRA, arrested in the Balcombe Street siege, admitted that they carried out the Guildford bombings as part of a series of almost twenty others. Before the Guildford trial the senior forensic officer of the
arenal responsible for investigating explosives linked the explosions at Guildford to a series of others. He was told to 'take out of your statement all forensic links that show Guildford is linked with all these other offences and just limit it to Guildford. 'He said: I was told to take it out of my statement.' Yet despite this the Guildford four remain in jail.
Equally horrific was the case of those convicted in the Maguire's trial - Annie Maguire is the aunt of Gerald Conlon framed up for the Guildford bombings. No explosives were ever found by the police. Swabs were taken on the hands of those in their house when police raided it and these were the sole evidence in the case. The tests were the same ones that have been shown to be meaningless in the case of the Birmingham six.
None of the family were Republicans. Some were members of the Paddington Conservative club. Sean Smyth was a family friend who was arrested simply because the was in the house at the time of the raid. Giuseppe Conlon has since died in prison. Yet the victims of this grotesque frame-up are still in prison 11 years after the police raid.
There will of course now, rightly, be outrage over these false covinctions. All sorts of liberal sentiments will be expressed about "tragic miscarriages of justice' — as though that were any comfort to those whose lives have been ruined. A few 'rotten apples' may well be brought out.
But all this is to miss the point. The Birmingham six — and the Guildford four, and the Maguires, were framed up because the British state had to have victims. To carry through its repressive measures from the Prevention of Terrorism Act to the daily violence it carried out in the north of Ireland - the British state has to create an atmoshpere of intimidation and fear. It will find victims to fill that need.
For the British state in the North of Ireland founded
on violence and repression can only be maintained by
violence and repression. There will be no end to that
violence, or to the horrific frame ups such as the Birm-
ingham six, the Guildford four, and the Maguires until
Britain gets out of Ireland
Get those wrongly convicted out of jail. Get Britain
out of Ireland. That must be the lesson drawn from this horrific frame up.
Page 2 scan of this page
NOLS council avoids real issues
Fight racism! Defend Labour councils!
2 Socialist Action 23 Jan 1987
ACTiON SOCiAlist
The right prepares
its excuses
THE REALITY of Labour's standing in the polls, that on present showing
through to all sections of the party. The
dominated the party since 1983, is already preparing its excuses - and the course it will advocate if Labour loses.
The lead has already been taken by the New Statesman which in a series of key editorials has spelt out the right wing's message - that Labour will lose the election because Labour is too left wing. In particular the New Statesman has called
unilateral nuclear and come out for still stronger front bench at-
This in line with the editorials being carried in the Guardian, Daily Mirror and other papers.
There is no doubt what is being prepared by the right wing. The right, having led the party to a new defeat, are then preparing to blame it on
Indeed Labour losing the election would be seen as a great opportunity by sections of the right. It would be the sense' into the party. unilateralism, opposition reselection of MPs and every policy gain made by the left in the last seven years.
This situation makes it vital that the left in the party gets its act together not simply on tactics but on strategy. been the right who threaten to lead the party to defeat in the general election politics does not work on the basis of an automatic reward for the virtuous. If the right wing lose Labour the election this will have a tremendously demoralising effect on whole sections of the working class. On the basis of that demoralisation the right would try to strengthen itself and get its version of events accepted.
This dictates that the campaign left of the party must achieve two come forward before the election with a clear explanation that it is the right that is losing support in every field -policies is the best course both for the present struggles and to win the election. Stating that truth is also the best way to ensure that Labour has the maximum chance of winning. Labour's campaign left must spell out an alternative strategy for the party.
The period since Thatcher came to office has brought to a head tremendous changes that were already accumulating throughout the postwar period. These include deep changes in the working class itself. The number of white male workers in work has fallen by two million in the last seven years. labour force over the next five years is going to come from women.
Labour to tie together the white working class of the north and the new mass black working class in the south and Midlands.
The alliances which must be build as the core of an alternative strategy course, not first and alliances. They are alliances in struggle. toral success for Labour can only flow out of real social alliances built around events such as the miners strike, the defence of local government, the fight against unemployment, and the fight to defend the welfare state, communities, championing women. Around these has to be cemented the international alliances Lanour's strategy for winning must start long before an election is called and be the logical outcome of the policy it has pursued outside elections.
The challenge facing Labour on this is clear When Labour won the general election in 1945 white employment everyone else in work by more than two to one. Today the working class is divided 50:50 between white men black people on the other. There cannot be any class policy today which demands of women and black people absolutely centrai in its strategy.
That failure to have a policy even remotely reflecting the structure of the working class,. together with its international policies, been among the most greatest strategic failures of the labour movement.
The right is preparing its excuses. The left has got to prepare its strategy.
Labour councils with leaders such as Merle Amory and Linda Bellos.
opportunity to "knock Getting it to abandon to incomes policy,
Despite the fact it will have
things. First it must
and that adoption of the left's
Second
The entire increase in the
Huge problems still exist for
for labour are, of foremost electoral
defending the black the demands
Labour must make. outnumbered
on one side and women and
does not make the
have
ON 11 JANUARY the National Organisation of Labour Students (NOLS) held an advisory council to select its candidates for the National Union of Students (NUS) executive elections in March. The meeting is 'advisory' because the slate which is chosen has to be endorsed by the officers of NOLS before it is official. This procedure ensures that the 'Democratic Left' leadership of power to remove any candidate it does not approve from the official NOLS platform.
Voting at NOLS counCIl 15 open delegates from Labour Clubs and to any student union officer who member of NOLS. Since these posts are overwhelmingly held "Democrati supporters the
Left' join in order to further their this leads to the total domination of NOLS by the DL.
The structure and status of NOLS council
compielery UNCCENO ratic Election of NOLS candidates for the NUS executive should take place at NOLS conference itself on the basis of delegates from Labour Clubs only, and the date of NOLS conference should be moved accordingly. Only then will NOLS candidates truIv remedi me bordes or mie NOLS membership.
At the decisions of NOLS council can be disregarded by NOLS officers, besides which the voting is rigged so as to ensure a DL slate is choser.
CYCl time. Under •Dem LeIl poncy, NoLo, in le name of 'pluralism', does
stand a full sate to NUS executive. At present NUs conferences this ha ensured the election of Liberal and Tory candidates to the leadership of NUS
VOTe recentl widespread dissatisfaction with the DL record of in-
FIGHTING RACISM and defending Labour councils will be the theme of the Campaign Forum rally to be held in Lambeth Town Hall, Brixton, on 16 February. It will be addressed by Bernie Grant, Linda Bellos, Arthur Scargill, Tony Benn, Eric Heffer, Dennis Skinner, Gul Zarina Khan for the Labour Party Black Section, a member of the Broadwater Farm Defence Campaign, and a speaker from the Labour Women's Action Committee. It promises to be the most important meeting organised by the Campaign Group of MPs since the end of the miners strike.
The core Tory strategy is to widen every differential and division within the working class.
This means, in particular, concentraling Is
black community. leadershir been going along with this
attacks local councils with black leaders
Haringey, Brent and Lambeth.
This rally, in contrast, brings together leaders of the black community with the most advanced forces in the white working class
Line leaders miners and the Campaign vroup or Mrs. Its Dasis Is principled the black
stood shoulder to shoulder solidarity with the miners throughout the strike, now the NUM leadership and the Campaign vroup art standing up to be counted
Geese ot the black community against the Tory government's racist campaigns,
Black council leaders
has the
action in the leadership of the NUS has led to the election *Socialist Students in NOLS' (SSIN) candidates. This is because the opposition to NOLS in the leadership of the NUS is to its left, and SSiN is the self-proclaimed "left opposition' the called Democratic Left. By Polly Vittorini, NUS London Executive
Far from being a left wing, SSiN's politics are in fact at odds with the grow'ing radicalisation
among students. Led as it is Socialist Organiser, ISSIN has clashed head-on with black and women's self-organisation. And SSIN slanes cremat une nanona! liberation movements in Palestine, Ireland and South Africa - while appearing very militant on the question of cuts in student grants.
The link between these positions is that SSiN's politics, under the dominance of Socialist Organiser, capitulates to imperialism - both directly in the sense of Ireland and support for -Zionism, and by. adapting to the more privileged sections of tie working class agallisi women and black to defend al If a union is or is memoess take up more than purely
It is this type of politics and Merle been by the
people well women, low paid,
who. with black make UD the of the
London
There second
been and discredit anti-racist work of Labour
ing class in
England, Scotland Wales
DECIDE
1 which explain the alliance in NOLS between and Militant, which acted as a voting bloc and callec for votes for each other's candidates Clearly the victory of such an alliance at the level of the NUS leadership could roll back many of the political advances made over recent
• such as the policy oI brush withdrawal trom Ireland adopted last yea
lof NUS women's officer by NUS
In the LPYS, both Socialist Organiser and Militant have opposed and clashes between Black Section ally Socialist
population.
The Lambeth rally br-
Miss in ere Campains
the Campaign
of the NUM, who come overwhelmingly from left wing northern, Scottish and mining constituencies,
black working class the
black working London. This is a vital link in building up working class unity, fighting racism, and creating principled basis for the left of the labour movement.
Lambeth rally contains the seeds of an alternative course Ior the labour movement to Kinnock's disastrous policies. It sets out to create a majority for Labour, and for socialist poncies from the core of Labour's
support the mining communities, linking this to the traditional working class bastions in the North and Scotland, joining with the communities concentrated in London and a number of big cities, grasping that only a labour movemen which represents and champions cal. ever remotely approach majority support, and linking these alliances with struggle against the Thatcher governichl
Mare Wadsworth, chair of Labour Party Black Section, told Socialist Action: "This milestone in the histore a meeting should prove
F M GAINST
Organiser have now spilled over into the student field. The Labour Women's Action Committee (LWAC) has also now refused to
platforms with SSiN.
NOLS should come clean and give the NUS
elect Labour candidate for every post if the member ship so wishes. This was nearly the case last ycal. with three SSiN candidates taking posts left open by official NOLS slate
result of selection at NOLS council this year predictably , was a NOLS slate entirely composed of 'Democratic Left' supporters. The radicalisation
the left supporting black struggles in Britain. Socialist VIPs in Darlla ment have been brought together with campaigning
Analysis
OUR
RIGHT
TO
DECIDE
among students combined with Kinnock's turn to the right has produced amon he Dem Leit the most e
direction of the whole the soft left the Labour Party The Dem Left is currently torn between the supporters of Kinnock in its leadership and the majorities for the pontics ing Labour Party which exist, unorganised, at its base NOLS council has pro duced no resolution to the crisis in the NUS. NOLS has produced campaigning leadership as yet The 'Democratic Left' still has to decide which side it's on.
black socialists on key Labour councils and communitv struggles like the Broadwater Farm issue. It is long overdue.
Campaign Forum PUBLIC MEETING Fighting racism Defending Labour Councils Campaigning for Socialism
MONDAY 16 FEBRUARY LAMBETH TOWN HALL (Brixton tubo) 7.30 pm
Chair Linda Bellos, Leader Lambeth Council
Vice Chair Labour Party Black Section
Speakers Bernie Grant, Leader Haringey Council
Arthur Scargill, President
National Union of Mineworkers
Tony Benn MP Eric Heffer MP Gul Zarina Khan, Labour Party Black
Section Dennis Skinner MP Broadwater Farm Defence Campaign Labour Women's Action Committee
• Admission £1 (50p unwagad) • p&p Campaign Group News, c/o Bob Clay MP, House of Commons, London SWIA ORA
Page 3 scan of this page
Politics Today
SIX IRISH men have languished in British jails for
sentences each for bombings which they did not commit. In the light of irrefutable evidence to prove that, and growing public pressure, home secretary Douglas Hurd was recently forced to announce to parliament that the cases of Dick Mellkenny, Hugh Callaghan, Paddy Hill, Bill Power, Gerry Hunter and John Walker — the Birmingham Six — will be referred to the Court of Appeal. He also undertook that allegations that the confessions which clinched the verdict were extracted under torture will also be CYCLLs wave
By Carol Turner
Labour government to introduce for the first time the Prevention of Terrorism Act, which remains law to this day and which 1s regularly use lo narass and the Irish
The Six,
nection organised Irish They were victims 2H-ISl
leaflet "They vell VuLI were because
viction Was 'confes-
police evidence an expert forensic Both
exposed.
scientist swab
those and con-
'Bill Power contract nitro-
glycerine.
office expert
Collacl including common
aint. Both Hill and
positive HesI Call
ing cards.
available, as
They • set about by
other forms
food and sleep
ple,
The great
frame-up
found guilty and given life told me to sit on the edge of the seat and to keep my legs wide apart. He rammed a truncheon up into my testicles and started whipping me with the leather thong on the truncheon took out his gun and hit me on the head with it. He put it into my mouth and puned me wigger.
The four confessions extracted by such methods were totally i contradictory bow will ine Tacts or tue bombings and in relation to one dourer. ror exall-
the plastic bags. reports
Bombings i in had been encased
'confession' mbed The Bush
ned mbed that Mclikenny said he The
Town with Hill.
with Hence
Face
Iser
been
The evidence
would been
Icaving custody.
they were
again, by
In 14 warders were
an In private
rie
the
In 1977,
ings,
Appeal is an
real itis justice'.
tha the of
that the involuntary were improperty
COI victions were erroneous.
That would mean that the
THE BIRMINGHAM 6
FRAMED!
home secretary would have either to recommend that they be pardoned he would have to remit the case to the Court of Appeal.
"This is such an appalling vista that every sensible person in the land would say: "It cannot be right maudese actions should should be struck out. hey further."
plicitly because they
and
only now
uves men and their families have
that the case Birm. ingham reterred peal.
TV with the of
of an case
of ustice
examples the Irish, black and com-
Another notorious case is of the Guildford bombing,
FIVE army and one
bomb in
Paul Hill, Arm-
Conlon
Guildford
the
FREETLEMINOW
Woolwich. They too were convicted solely basis uncorroborated 'confessions' which they later retracted.
The
Bombings at
Guildford Four
to appeal
dull was charged with handling offences to the
acquitted.
But the Maguire family, two sons and brother, together
plosives. was claimed that the
on the
ber 1975 plosives.
the them
Birmingham Six, the Guildford and the Magwires among biggest
The Birm-
reopened the Guildford and the
The
La retrial, They walli evidence
posed.
has such
At the of
trial of In
whose gun left Mrs
for black community Jus
'accident'
sion
On 15
of charges
Cherry ruler more, he
had
case isn't
officer for
an inhas got i off
one month before Mrs Midlands officer shot old
two police officers seriously
Waldorf, case of 'mistaken Nine
quitted attempted murder wounding, Their was raused under the police comDlallils
against black com-
treme. the Lovelock trial, disturbing facts were
on Mrs an Groce's
rather
police' the same
entered the 1 casuil,
lay-out they believed contact the
The entire armed raid was prepared with ine ponce
law unto themselves.
Iness.
Tributes to Jack Collins came from all corners of the movement. Arthur Scargill and reler Heathfield, extending their deepest sympathy Jack's wife Pat, to all the Collins Tally and Kent miners, said Jack Collins's death was 'a terrible blow to the trade unions and labour movement'
Knight, president of kent areg of
the NUM, paid tribute to Jack's 30
•cal a all ficial of the union. He highlighted Jack Collin's 'contribution the '72 and '74 strikes and his uncompromising fight against pit closures in later
He years ..
Socialist Action 23 Jan 1987
Cherry Groce Cover-up
'YOU CANNOT write down the shooting of an innocent woman as an "accident". What the people of Brixton are feeling is that there is an open door for that situation. That's why people in Brixton are angry.' That was the response of the then-leader of Lambeth council, Ted Knight, to the two days of uprising that followed the shooting of Cherry Groce
cast Lovelock's raid. He formally which
necessity.
three before the home, To 01 failed a Groce's CouIsC
was above age thạt tain the upper for 'authorised
'had never he Was
Line police themselves
not Guly.
Th cover up over Groce can
List in the Metropolitan police especially attackeed
Jack Collins
JACK COLLINS, secretary of Kent area of the NUM died on Wednesday 7 January after a long il
been a staunch supporter of socialist internanonalism and the socialis countries.
Phil Sutcliffe, , is chair of Jack Collin's NUM branch at Snowdown colliery and stated: •Jack transferred to Snowdown in 1969.
3 with imunity - or thei houses broken into as in
Casi Broadwate Farm with and the death ot Cynthia Jarrell makes a farce of the claim of the police to have launched 'anti-racist campaign' lICW
when
munity just
18 later
just presenter home secretary
has
Britain's com munities or to Irish
which have
pressure for the establish-
of paramilitary units, elite squads of police marksmen attached to every ponce lorce, likr the DIT of the Metrop
Far trom reducing the sort of 'ac-
which Mrs Groce suffered, it will increase them. had been elected our area's
know him really well in the
72 and '74 strikes and in many ways it was to Jac that I owe my socialist ane trade union Steen was always a firm belieser
TENE educating younger miners ana put a grcal surts. the international class struggle.
Socialist Action pays its own tribute on the death of Jack Colins. He
was a totally committed
fighter for the interests of the working class and an
example the entire
labour movement in class solidarity. We send our condolences to his family
friends, and comrades in
the NUM and throughout the labour moyement.
Page 4 scan of this page
AAM prepares for 1987
4 Socialist Action 23 Jan 1987
Anderton
goes too far
THE activities of Greater Manchester police chief James Anderton became too much even for the home office.
Following Anderton's
office. himself gays.
Anderton not resign.
as he wanted.
That, after all, is what the police are there for.
Black Section debates immigration IMMIGRATION was among the issues discussed at the recent executive committee of Labour Party Black Section.
A paper by Sanjiv Vedri, brought up to date to take account of the imposition of the visa controls, was widely supported and referred to the national committee for broader discussion. Commissioned to explain black secuon s opposition to racist immigration laws, it will eventually be brought annual meeting of Black Section, which takes place in Nottingham on 14 March,
Education will be a major issue at the 1987 Black section conference. Delegates will also be presented with a national committee paper on policing as well as one
In Brief
reviewing Black Section's parliamentary work.
Conference will
consider constitutional changes to the structure ol Dlack sechon including provision for a Parliamentary Black Section.
Further debate will also lake place on now best Black Section can
Party, both in terms of wining recognition for black members' right to policy for inclusion in Scorease and of Labour's manifesto. Greenwich to select
candidate
alliull wood.
polled 50 per cent of the vote in the London education authority election.
This anti-woman, anti-left campaign was scotched a week later. An opinion poll reported in the Observer estimated that Labour would take 60 per cent of the vote and win with a 10,000 majority.
The local Mercury reported fellow ILEA councillor Dot Bigwood as saying of Diedre
'She has perfect credentials to fight as Labour's candidate. She is a working class woman with kids of her own. I think of myself as an ordinarv person. and I got on with Diedre straight away.'
since une opillon poll, the gutter press has had nothing further to ay on the question of selecting a lett wing woman. Clearly such a candidate would greatly aid Labour's election call valle
SIX HUNDRED delegates attended the Annual General Meeting of the Anti-Apartheid Movement in London on 10/11 January. They adopted a series of decisions to broaden the alliances of the Anti-Apartheid Movement — work in the labour movement, calling a national youth conference, and for the first time adopted a major orientation to work against apartheid in and with the black communities in Britain.
the campaign for 'comprehensive mandatory sanctions imposed and enforced through the United Nations Security Council'. It was agreed to call a mass demonstration and festival in 1987 and to approach the TUC and Labour Party to jointly promote it. The AGM continued the priority given to 'people's sanctions' and a number of resolutions calling for legally enforcable comprehensive sanctions by a British government were adopted. The AGM launched a major campaign against Shell along the lines
Africa People's Organisation
the African Con-
the nationa ANCS plained the slogan tor is 'Ad-
He the AGM today place .E.
South allu freedom are
hands of apartheid
posals to the
growth over
present whereby
Call attend and vote. decision
the
London of the and
longer be
time and by
disrupting
amount of this AGM's ume was of shouting
minority able
the
pose
which Call
tional This peculiar where the AGM not the sovereign AAM rected.
welcomed
African
any trade
TUC international
giving a high priority to
The central objective of the movement was set as n against Barclay's Bank. filiate to the British and
tiona Confederation Free Trade Unions (ICFTU).
Tort Ahe call ted to
SIDDON cal to the whole labour movement
concert with the AAM and international trade
movement, to strengthen the boycott against South African and Nailsale and ic help to achieve a complete Cubal eu upon all trade. commercial, financial, cultural and sporting activities, and to support by every means possible trade
By Redmond O'Neill
unionists who may be victimised for complying with this policy.' This resolu tion particularly propriate as the Dunne's anti-apartheid strikers In
again been victimised by their employers.
An 'support all union
campaign-
Local
up their with the
setting up local trade Ulul
the Party was
recommenthe
resolution prioritisin
the AAM The adopted
port
in their
Britain'
black NC member Thea
country racism.
Britain apartheid
DAD NO TO APARTHEID
the potential to be the vanguard of the anti-apartheid struggle.
The resolution youth encouraged the formation of local youth and student structures, called a national ference, and decided that VOILI
the next AGM would consider if the establishment of a youth section was appropriate.
resolution applauding the leading role of women in the struggle, and urging local groups to
women's organiser was agreed. deportations minister,
ever before.
In Sri Lanka, the covernment forces systematically suppressing
whole population, the Tamils. Viraj Mendis, quite rightly, supports the Tamils and this has pro pelled the Tories to take the position they have.
However, the most im portant factor is that Vira
s one of 50 black people
deported every week. He is being deported because he is black
It is racism that is the key issue. When o did white last hear Americans being deported?
The Viraj Mendis Defence Campaign has made the issues of deportation very clear. Thes have been expressed through all the national newspapers. The Guar dian 'has carried at least nive articies. It Is now alla tional campaign against
The AGM correctly condemned Ine letter in The Scotsman of July 1986 which appealed 'all those nations contemplating withdrawing from the Commonwealth games to reconsider their position'. This letter had been signed by Bob Hughes MP, chair of the AAM, and Brian Filing, Secretary of the Scottish AAM. The • resolution pointed out that this letter 'gave support to those who seek to maintain links with South Africa and it committed the AAM to 'sup
Manchester Labour Party
calls 'Mendis must stay' rally
ON 20 DECEMBER Viraj Mendis went into sanctuary in a Manchester church to avoid deportation to Sri Lanka. Despite this, David Waddington, the
is pressing ahead. Viraj himself is being well-looked after by the church and his supporters, and now needs solidarity more than
the immigration laws which are racist. campaign has gained examous suppor the
By Gary Croft and Andy Smith
community in Manchester particular, the black community. The labour movement has also responded well.
The last meeting of Manchester District Labour Party raised money for the campaign and, more importantly
a support of Viral ale
Labour-controlled city council has consistently supported all anti-deportation campaigns including Viraj's. This decision by the district party has put 'meat' on that support at a crucial time.
News
port any future action Laken o • the rront Lin States or Commonwealth countries SuDOUL of sanctions and against the attitude of the British governments.'
The document outlining the campaigning plans for the movement in 1987, A New Offensive for Sanctions' was introduced by the National Committee, but only 10 minutes were allocated to introduce and discuss it. Furthermore it was not pur to the vote and could not be amended by delegates.
This was a manoeuvre by the platform as this document is ambiguous on the strategy the movement critical balance-sheet of critical the AAM's concentration of its resources on mass
the past eighteen months. tion proposals with a cen- it combine colony good ac tra ninto for Sanctions, around which was not available to the AGM. This is oriented
including Liberals, and Tories in the general
with view minority for sanctions. gaining 'parliamentary
This orientation progressive members of
the Alliance and Tories i undoubtedly in contradic. tion with the strategy the Such ambiguities will hav. AAM needs to be thrashed out in the movement over the com ing months.
Overall the AGM has adopted decisions which Wall extend the move. ment's social alliances, in cludes a series of major mass actions. and bv mak ing : the movement more democratic and thereby
allow the real strategic
allow real strategic
political decisions and differences in the movement to be thrashed out in action and debate in 1987.
Furthermore, speaking at that District Labour Party meeting Graham Stringer, leader of the council, called for the
resubmission of a previol
resolution to the NEC o the Labour Party, calling for the national executive
publicly support the Mendis campaign This will push forward even more the national aspect of this deportation campaign.
Some 40 Labour MPs, local MP Bob Litherland
Party Black Section and many wards. constituencies and trade
unions the Bishop m
paign. Bishop Manchester supports and, more recently, so do Amnesty International
From the point of view of Manchester, the posi tion is very very clear: Virai must stay, deportation no way!
• The Viraj Mendis Defence Campaign can be contacted Hulme Centre, Jackson Crescent, Manchester M15 SAI by phoning 061-234 3168
Page 5 scan of this page
of Labour women's organisation
News
Attempt to block review
WOMEN AND the labour movement sutfered a severe setback last week when supporters of the right wing, Militant, and Briefing combined forces at the National Labour Women's Committee to sabotage the consultation and review of Labour's women's organisation agreed by last year's party conterence. The mechanism involved was the National Labour Women's Committee (NLWC) proposing to make no recommendations to this year's Labour women's conference.
The background to this development was the vote Rather than discuss
conference hold strengthenrevIew of women's
Given historical on
the of Mandy Moore, ot cam-
Labour LOT
the AGM. of the These WelC
the con- who been giving to positions.
AGM of Labour
convened meeting NEC set for
based on
women's They no set of for the labour
Carry who had
fight women's
women's the whole consultation They proposed
for the on their
This the Labour
by the Labour
and By women's This
the
tant of the
election by ference.
Most importantly WAC that the much less
conference, division the NEC
the comwomen's
by the policies Labour and three
the number of women's on the to block
the review These of women's organisation.
WAC
the that women, the
questions relating to
The position
The of istence women's for Labour The op
The
Dosion lo
women's conference when
they
reaffirmed
their particular backshould introduced
changed
"divisive class. They against all 'positive
with Ireland and questions, frequently
wing
Action
tion,
the all.
anti-women, side or
of
tee, also
that putting awaited women's
and file women
Women's
for
NEC places ns men members,
political sion of
Labour mittee proposals
LOLLIS of
for
field. As
National
Sections, many other
nave as the
•con-
Committee,
National Women's through of the NEC
wing of
SUL. women's
backward and anti- the
weighted unions
of any
The Mili- that can be Mandy
up her
the Labour
women's
justify labour this long-
of the right wing. organisation,
trade union
consulted,
The Committee
leaves the two
Firstly the NEC
The
Labour
Illg IOW
tion.
be elected this will mean a campaign
not
National
ComWAC's
GUS-
consider
on issues being
of the Labour Committee,
have been
conference
conference
of
for the
assumption made is that
needs
conference
meeting
the
immediately
open for
disastrous One is that
of-
the
by Labour • may be the
pressure to
posal for
that
lemandın
than fight for it.
wing are
introducing strengthen
Militant
adopted
detailed
thening
tional Committee
encourage debate
Mandy
back
in wullicu movement meeting Labour mittee ly will lo
tion proposals forward.
and then
for bringing
the
vote
changes have been Then we
women
but that
are against changes
women's
wing and
successive
has
for
women
The Na-
Women's should get
discussion,
campaign
Mili-
of the the labour
last
National
Com-
for the has put
Socialist Action 23 Jan 1987 5
Ireland
Unfree
Crisis in the 26 Counties THE COALITION government led by Garret FitzGerald broke up this week after the minority Labour Party refused to support the budget proposals of the chief government party, Fine Gael. An election is most likely for 19 February. The election will solve nothing of the country's deep-seated problems which are the product of its domination by British and US imperialism.
More than 30 per cent of the 3.54 million who live in the 26 Counties are under 25 and schoolleavers job prospects are bleak. The unemployment rate stands at nearly a quarter of a million or about 18 per cent.
By Jon Silberman
Such statistics explain why emigration is so high. According to official figures, 31,000 people emigrated in the year up to April 1986 — though
as
economy which suffers the same problems as other semi-colonial countries dominated by imperialism
In absolute terms, the 26 Counties numbers 27 in the league table of debtor countries,
countries have a higher per capita debt.
The cost of servicing the debt is enormous. In 1985, €1.7 billion was charged to taxation for the purposes of debt servicing, amounting to over 30 per cent of total tax and to 12.8 per cent of gross
deficit is huge and getting worse every year - £l.5
The FitzGerald government had promised to solve the deficit but has presided over a continued
Haughey of Fianna Fail is entirely opportunist. In percentage terms, the crisis is equivalent to when he was last prime minister in 1982,
Two conditions are indispensable for tackling the economic crisis. First, other debtor countries to abrogate their debts — a policy advocated for all semi-colonial countries by
the ending of partition and the
Without real national independence the conquest of Ireland's resources and economy by the Irish people is impossible. And the establishment of a genuinely independent Irish republic means the complete withdrawal of Britain from the north
Neither of the two major parties in Dublin's parliament, Leinster House, favour such a policy. It was the FitzGerald government that signed the so-called Anglo-Irish Fianna Fail has announced in advance that it does not intend to make Hillsborough an election issue. neutrality during the Leinster House debate last month on the European Single Act. The passing of this act removes the right of veto from member countries of the EEC,
ment even closer to the imperialist powers and to
described the Act as the 'final death blow to the limited political and economic sovereignty of the
Indeed the only party which defends a genuinely anti-imperialist policy is Sinn Fein. This will be the first election in which Sinn Fein will be con testing Leinster House seats after having ended their abstentionist policy as regards taking seats in
When Sinn Fein adopted the new policy at their conference, their
Adams said that it would be the election after next
that the new policy would be really put to the test, and that electoral gains were unlikely this time
But major parties in Leinster House are taking no chances. Haughey called for unity against Sinn Fein. He tried in vain to stop Sinn Fein registering
as a political party in time for the election
Despite this the government intends to prevent Sinn Fein access to radio and TV under Section 31 of the Broadcasting Act. But the pressure to grant Sinn Fein this elementary democratic right is mounting and Fianna Fail has been forced to agree
to Sinn Fein having broadcasting access.
Page 6 scan of this page
Class, race anc
6 Socialist Action 23 Jan 1987 labour movement is at the centre of socialist debate in Britain today. Most campaigns in the Labour Party are today fighting defensive battles. But the Labour Party Black Section and Labour Women's Action Committee continue to be on the offensive and increasing their support and weight. In parallel with this development in the Labour Party women's and black organisation in the unions is continuing to grow. continues to discuss the fight against racism and sexism and support for the demands of women and black people. 'Class', 'race' and 'gender' are often discussed as though they related. This allows a false debate to be set up where 'class issues' and 'issues of race and gender' are counterposed — 'Eurocommunists' then attempting to use this counterposition to claim to support demands of women and black people while not taking up 'classical' class questions such as unemployment or wages, and the right wing, and the Militant and Morning Star, using a phoney 'class' rhetoric to attempt to justify not taking up the specific demands of women and the black community. sion of women and black people, which naturally can only be done by women and black people themselves, but to look at certain ways in which the positions of women and black people are intertwined with class in its most strict sense — and to show that this intertwining has become increasingly close. As we will see the particular acuteness of the struggle of women and black people in the last decade and a half, and the weight of these issues within the labour movement at the present time, has not arisen because of developments external to class but on the contrary is totally integrated with class shifts if society.
IN ORDER to consider the relation of class, race and gender let us consider how their intertwining has shifted since World War II - which in turn means considering the way in which capital, as it has expanded, has shaped the class relations of society.
If we go back to the nineteenth century then statistics for the number of employees, the nearest approximation we can get to the working class, do not exist.
However the social and class processes taking place as capitalism expanded are still easy to trace. Figures for the total working population, that is including the self-employed and employers as well as workers, do exist. As, prior to the Thatcher period, there was a steady tendency for the number of self-employed and employers to decrease as a proportion of the labour force, then using figures for the total working population shows the process of development of the working class — simply understating the degree of proletarianisation of society.
Table 1 shows the development of the total employed population from the middle of the nineteenth century to date. The process it shows is clear. From the middle of the nineteenth century until the end of World War II every period of capitalist expansion showed the same pattern. As capital expanded it created an enlarged labour force. In the entire century from 1851 to 1951 this demand for an increased labour force was met overwhelmingly by white men. Of the 73.3 million crease in the workforce between 1851 and 1951 over 9 million, that is 68 per cent, represented an increase in the number of white men in the workforce.
This structure ot new white male labour entering the workforce exactly paralleled the existing division within the working class. Over the entire century from 1851 to 1951 the structure of the workforce stayed almost constant at 69 per cent white males and 31 per cent
white women. Prior to World War II
there was no substantial black section of
the working class in Britain. Capital
reproduced this existing sexual and racial
composition of the working class. It re-
mained a working class in which white
men outnumbered others by more than
two to one.
From the point of view of socialism,
or even elementary human justice,
labour movement mainly oriented to tak-
ing up the demands white male
workers was of course an abomination.
But at least from a crude organisational
point of view it could sustain itself-
that it would produce increasing
However there is still an ambiguity in the way that sections of the left
were parallel and not inextricably inter-
with the soft left and
The aim of this article is, therefore, not to analyse the specific oppresnumbers of trade unionists and an increasing number of votes for Labour. It was a policy that had nothing to do with socialism, but at least it did orient itself in a crude sense to some 70 per cent of the working class - although not to the wider working class community.
As may be seen, capitalist expansion after World War Il and the slump which followed in the 1970s and 1980s, was totally different from anything. that preceded it. The period after World War Il forms a radical watershed in the history of working class under capitalism
The sexual structuring within the working class, in short, is clear. Not all white male workers are in the best paid and most privileged sections of the working class. Nevertheless virtually the entire best paid and most privileged section of the working class is made up of white males. Virtually no women workers are part of these best paid and most privileged groups. Indeed more than 6u per cent of all women workers are in clerical jobs, catering and cleaning, or non electrical or metal manutacturing.
Turning to the black community and employment the chief features are clear. The oppression of the black community in the workforce is different to that of women in number of important respects — although the sexual structure of employment is replicated within the black community itself. The relation of these structures of oppression is that black men are more oppressed than white men and black women more than white
The entire black community is pushed 'below' the white community by the institutionalised racism of society.
The first feature of the black community is its geographical concentration.
The proportion of women in employment is spread almost evenly across all regions of the county — the highest proportion of women employees, per
cent, is in North West England and the lowest, 43 per cent, is in East Anglia. In
contrast to the relatively even spread of
women in work the proportion of the
workforce which is black ranges from
under 1 per cent in Scotland and the
North of England, and only marginally
over 1 per cent in Wales, to 6 per cent in
the West Midlands and 14 per cent in
London. Over 46 per cent of the entire
black workforce is in London, and more
than 80 per cent is in London, the South
East and the Midlands.
This •differentiation with all
almost totally white working class in the
North and North East, Scotland and
Wales, and a major black workforce in
the North West, Midlands and, above all,
London • - is undoubtedly a major problem in establishing communication between different sections of militants in the labour movement. It points to the urgent necessity of the white working class in the north creating links with the black working class community in London -and the black community in London establishing principled links with the white working class in the north. The pivotal role that can be played in this by a link up between the Black Section, the NUM and Campaign Group is obvious
The second feature of the black community, and a grotesque sign of the institutionalised racism of British society, is unemployment. The black community suffers a level of unemployment which is not even remotely suffered by any section of the white population. Taking the average of the last three years the average
of unemployment among whites was 11 per cent and among the black community it was 20 per cent. In the North West, the area of highest joblessness, unemployment among whites was 13 per cent, for West Indians 24 per cent and for Asians 32 per cent.
For those in work, the black community is exceptionally concentrated in manufacturing industry. Both black men and black women are significantly higher
proportions of those in manufacturing industry than their white equivalents -this particularly affects black women who are almost twice as likely to be in manufacturing ; jobs as white women The black population is also significantly more concentrated in hotels and catering, in education, and in catering and cleaning that the white population. It is almost totally excluded from energy and water supply and agriculture
The black population, in short, is concentrated in manufacturing, in the least highly paid and privileged service sectors, and has a level of unemployment not matched by any sector of the white working class. Institutionalised racism oppresses the black working class at every complete the picture we may turn to trade apprenticeships as an indication of the division between skilled and unskilled workers. The pattern is clear. Of white male workers 1,510,000, that is 21 per cent, have served an apprenticeship Of black male workers only 9 per cent (40,000) have served an apprenticeship Of white women 4 per cent, (298,000) have served an apprenticeship. Of black women only 1 per cent, that is 4,000, have done so. In short 82 per cent of workers who have served apprenticeships are
white males - - showing the white male domination of the skilled working class.
The structural pattern is therefore clear. Men, in particular white men, are heavily concentrated in management, adbeen brought into the worst paid and least privileged jobs.
During the period of post war boom from 1951-1873 the number of white men in the labour force did not increase, as in previous periods of capitalist expansion but actually declined marginally. It ther fell rapidly when recession set in after 1973 and mass unemployment began to rise. For the first time in history instead of the expansion of capital being accompanied by an increase in the number of white men in the labour force the entire expansion of the workforce after 1951 was accounted for by bringing womer and black people into work. For the first
Page 7 scan of this page
ime the expansion of capital was serving not to maintain but to break up the exsting race and gender relations in the Porking class.
This already shows why it is false to lace gender and race as 'parallel' and mre ated to c'ass. What took nace atter Vorld War II was not a development mong women and the black communiy outside the working class but involved drastic development within the working class. It was a period which saw a massive orocess of the proletarianisation silen, ana tre cicanoll I Drilall 0l d ew black working class. It was not a non-class' but totally evelopment.
The situation with employees, the earest approximation in the statistics to orkers, clearer. aployees today are made up of 55 per ent white men, 43 per cent women, 2 per at black men. Given the concentration I white men in management there is little loubt that today the employed working
ss in Britain is divided 50:50 between en on the one side and women and black cople on the other.
The consequences for the labour movement were drastic. Between 1948 and 1981 the proportion of women in rade unions increased from 18 per cent
ding their membership.
ed further.
The
same structure
current divisions movement.
The single largest group workers is in manufacturing.
male and above all white male make up only workforce. This
working class.
After largest concentration of
ministration.
labour force
struction,
and communication
workforce.
and related sector -
other
water supply -
males.
and administration,
and water supply
white male workers. concentrated in these industries class
Officially
dominated by white male workers.
completely different.
Centrate
gender
to 31 per cent. The trade unions became essentlany aepenaent on women and black people for maintaining or expan-
Between 1948 and 1981 the number of white male workers in trade unions increased by only 500,000. But the number of women and black male workers in trade unions increased by 2,400,000. Under the Thatcher recession the proportion of trade union members who are white males has declin-
of transformation becomes still clearer if the internal structure of the working class is considered. Table 3 shows the employment structure by type of occupation. Table 4 shows the
by industry. The differences revealed are clear and show the underlying social base of many of the
in the labour
of male However within manufacturing there is a sharp distinction between metal and electrical manufacturing — which is virtually all
and other sectors of manufacturing. Men make up 96 per cent of the workforce in electrical and metal manufacturing white men make up 92 per cent of the workforce in these industries. The white women male predominance in unions such as the AEU and ISTC, which dominate this sector, is evident. However in other sectors of manufacturing white male workers
63 cent or ine distinction within manufacturing must be borne in mind when considering the structure of the
manufacturing by far the white male management Management and ministration account for 1 in 5 men in the
- compared to less than 1 in 10 women. The other major concentrations of white male workers are in con-
where 92 per cent of the worktorce are white males, and transport
where white males account for 94 percent of the
In the service sector the highest proportion of white male workers are in the relatively prestigeous scientific, artistic,
- where white males constitute 83 per cent of the workforce. Turning to the industry classification the
major feature is the complete domination of white men in energy and
with 85 per cent of workers in these industries being white
The pattern of white male employment is therefore clear. White men are completely dominant in management
science and arts, metal and electrical engineering, mining and construction, transport, and energy
— with none of these industries having less than 70 per cent
The implications in the labour movement of these facts are evident. These
as the AEU, EETPU, ISTC, NCU. The 'hard right of the labour movement has its base in the white male dominated sectors. The skilled manual worker sector,
showed the largest pro-Tory swing of any social group in the 1979 and 1983 elections. These sectors also undoubtedly include, as a small minority, unions such as the NUM, and the NUR, but the overwhelming bulk of the hard right of the labour movement is based in industries
If we turn to women the situation is
Table 3 women are overwhelmingly con-
catering cleaning, clerical jobs, education, retailing, and in manufacturing outside the metal and electrical industries. Women are concentrated in the worst paid service jobs and
well paid sectors of
manufacturing
These facts show the dialectic between class, race and gender - and just how ridiculous it is to separate class issues from 'race and gender' instead of showing how they are intertwined. They also show the dynamic taking place in the working class today — the relation between class, race and gender.
As noted, the bastions of the hard right are in the white male sections of the working class — large areas of which are dominated by the AEU, EETPU, ISTC, EMA, NCU and similar unions. The Cools concentration of women workers and in some cases black workers, in unions such as the CPSA, NALGO, NUT and NUPE helps to explain the continuing radicalisation in them. It is in these types of unions that the great mass of the oppressed female and black workforce created since World War Il is concentrated.
There figures also make clear how decisive was the role played by the NUM and its leadership in the strike of 1984-85 It was not simply the tremendous strug gle waged by the NUM itself, but that this was a 'classical', largely white male dominated, industrial union oriented towards not simply the working class as a whole but in particular towards
- and a union which began to take up the demands of the black community. In short the NUM began to forge precisely the social alliances which are necessary to create the unity of the entire working class. It was exactly the reverse dynamic to that, of the AEU, EETPU and similar unions which orient away from the demands of the most oppressed sections of the working class, women and the black community, and towards the narrow concerns relatively privileged white male sections of the working class.
Finally this relationship helps explain some of the developments taking place in
SuCH GMBATU USDAW. These were unions which were traditional bastions of the hard right but which have begun to move towards the centre of the Labour Party - and have,
NUPE.
GMBATU and USDAW are today total-
shifting their policies. The fact that the TGWU has also launched a campaign to recruit part time workers who are overwhelmingly women, may also have very interesting consequences for that union.
The conclusions are clear. First, a stated, it is ridiculous to separate, and not examine the interconnection, of "class', 'race and 'gender. The reason for the dynamism of the demands of women and black people within the labour movement, and the fact that campaigns such as WAC and the Black Section are on the offensive, is evident. It is not a
development but one precisely moulded by the massive entry of women and black people into the working class since World War II. Women and black people today are the most forward moving force in the working class and the
Finally, and this is the most fundamental, there can be no class policy today, let alone one which makes the other alliances necessary for the working class, which does not have as an integral and central feature the demands of women
women and black people are a product of a class system of domination which goes case of women predated even capitalism itself. But the demands of women and the black community are also precisely the demands of the most oppressed sec tions of the working class itself.
demands of women and black people are not pursuing a class policy but one based on the privileged sections of the working class — a policy of the labour aristocracy.
... in figures
Table 1
White Men Black Men Women White Men Black Men Women
Table 2
White men
Black men
Total black
Women
White men welles Black men
Total black
Women
Table 3
that is Management & Admin
of the Other manufacturing Metal & Electrical manuf
Transport
Science & Arts
Clerical and Construction & Mining
Education
Selling & Retailing
Catering & Cleaning
Total
Employees!
1. Includes miscellaneous
Table 4
Other services
Distrib., Hotels, Catering
Engineering & Metal
Construction
Other manufacturing
Transport & comm.
Finance
Mining & Ores
Energy & Water Supply
Total'
Employees'
Table '5
North/North East England
Scotland
Wales
East Anglia
South West
South East outside London
Yorkshire
North West
East Midlands
West Midlands
London
Britain
Source: Calculated
British
December 1985.
THE WORKING CLASS
Gender and racial composition of the employed working population 1851-1984
1851 1871 1891 1911 (millions) 6.5 : 8.2 10.1 12.9
' 08 oo.
0 31 31 31 30
Changes in the employed working population 1851-1984
1851- 1871- 1891- 19111871 1891 1911 1951 2.7 1.9 2.8 2.7
1.6 % of change in work force accounted for by dife rent groups (3)
23 32 24 37
Sexual and racial structure of jobs in Britain (1984)
(thousands)
White Black men men 2,548 102 2,180 1,520 1,205 1,062 851 33
659 34 587 485
13,009 502 11,111 394
Sexual and racial structure of employment in industry in Britain (1984)
(thousands)
White Black men men 2,354 73 1,997 132 1,902 84 1,570 1,350 1,088 1,002 602 16 582 13,009 502 11,111
Distribution of the black working class
7 of the total black working population from British Labour Statistics, 1886-1968, HMSO, 1971 p195; Matthews, Feinstein and Odling-Smee, Economic Growth 1856-1973, Historical Supplement no.
Barber, Ethnic Origin and Economic Status' in Employment Gazette,
Socialist Action 23 Jan 1987 |
7 1951 1973 1984
15.6
408
Total Total
1951- 1951- 185l- 1951-
1973 1984 1951 1984
- 0.2 - 2.4 9.1 - 2.4
.5 .8 2.2 2.4 4.2 2.4
17 • 17 25 28 28 92 83 32 83 (%) % white % black Women men men wollen
808 74 23
VAANANNUA
835 34
68
194 2,820
1,136
38 2,227
9.517 56 42 8,565 55 43
(%) % white % black % Women men men 3,758 38 61 4,4L/ 43 54
529 76
146
907
275
910
184 75
103 84 9,517 56 8,565 55
% of the total working population which is black Historical Abstract
p563; Employment Gazette, Employment Gazette April 1985;
Page 8 scan of this page
8 Socialist Action
IN THE last month a dramatic political crisis has broken out in China. For 10 years the Chinese Communist Party leadership pursued a policy of opening up the Chinese economy to market forces. In December 1986 tens thousands of students demonstrated in China demanding that the political processes accompanying these changes go further. This week, following a clamp down on the demonstrations, the Communist Party general secretary Hu Yaobang was dismissed. parallel process in the USSR series of economic and political reforms have been introduced under Gorbachev. These again involve greater weight for market mechanisms and degree political liberalisation' which was well publicised in the release of Andrei Sakharov from internal exile. JAMES BAILEY looks at the background to the unfolding events in the USSR and China.
The best theoretical guide to understanding the events unfolding in China and the USSR still remains Leon Trotsky. Trotsky's writings in the 1920s and 1930s analysing the development of the Soviet Union have never been equalled. theoretical framework he outlined at that time applies equally well to China - although the Chinese revolution which triumphed in 1949 was victorious in a country at a far lower level of economic development than Russia in 1917.
Trotsky pointed out that the USSR took the road of socialist revolution not because it was the most developed country in Europe, on the contrary it was the most backward, but because that was the only way the country could be saved from ruin. As he wrote in The Revolution Betrayed: 'Russia took the road of proletarian revolution, because her economy was the first to become ripe for socialist change, but because she could not develop further on a capitalist basis. Socialisation of the means of production had become a necessary condition for bringing the country out of barbarism.
It was the fact that only the overthrow of capitalism had saved Russia from ruin which was both one of the reasons it was vital to defend the USSR and also created tremendous pressures against the restoration of capitalism even under a regime as barbaric as Stalin's: *The lall the present bureaucratic dictatorship, if it were not replaced by a new socialist power, would ... mean a return to capitalist relations with a catastrophic decline of industry and culture. When catastroohe and an attemot to restore capitalism did arrive, in the form of the Nazi armies, it was crushed by Soviet working class in the the greatest war in history.
But despite the objective pressures which defended the planned Soviet economy from capitalist restoration, tremendous pressures from the international capitalist economy continuously operate on it. As Trotsky put it in The Third International After Lenin: 'The seizure of power by the proletariat has not at all excluded the Soviet republic from the system of the international division labour created capitalism.' Lenin in his report to the eleventh congress of the Soviet Communist Party in 1921 equally spoke of:
'the international market to which we are subordinated, with which we are connected, and from which we cannot isolate ourselves.'
The economy of the Soviet Union, or any country which has overthrown capitalism is constantly subject ot the remorseless economic pressure of the imperialist states. As Trotsky wrote in The Third International After Lenin in
1928: 'it is not so much military in-
the intervention cheaper commodities that constitutes perhaps the greatest menace to the Soviet economy. And a Ford tractor is just as dangerous as a Creusot gun, with the sole difference that while the gun can function only trom time to time, the tractor brings its pressure to bear upon us constantly. Besides the tractor knows that a gun stands behind it as a last resort.' The tremendous
23 Jan 1987
socialism
of of not pressure on the Soviet economy
reform under Gorbachev, to meet the US lead in electronics, high technology, and military advances shows just how constantly the weight of the capitalist world economy bears down on the USSR.
In order to understand the link between this external economic pressure and the internal situation in the USSR or China it is necessary to grasp the nature of these economies after they had overthrown capitalism. Both China and Russia were economically backward countries - China qualitatively more underdeveloped even than Russia in 1917. A relatively small capitalist industrial sector coexisted with a mass of the population in an agriculture where pre-capitalist relations of production still existed.
In fact the revolution had a dual economic character. The working class the took state power and in industry ex-
propriated capitalism. agriculture the working class opened up the way to unfettered commodity relations of production for the first time by destroying remnants of serfdom, landlordism, the system of lending. and all remnants ol pre-capitalist systems of production. If the revolution industry socialist revolution then, economic point of view, the revolution in the countryside was a thorough goby ing capitalist revolution.
Lenin pointed out that the proletarian state which came to power in Russia in November 1917 carried out the thoroughgoing revolution in history on the iand. The proletarian state power created socialised post-capitalist relations in industry and relations of petty-commodity production on the land — the revolutions in both Russia and China saw a tremendous 'levelling" process peasantry with landless peasants gaining land and small capitalists losing land.
But these two systems of producof
tion have completely dynamics. The increasingly planned economic system operating in industy leads to greater and greater socialisation of production. But the commodity relations existing In would, if left to themselves, produce capitalism — with the process of social differentiation, employment of labour by others, individualisation of produc-
The crisis of
in one country
tion, unemployment, and all the other features which accompany capitalism.
Allowing the development of market forces necessarily creates on the one
other sector, for e exactly the same types of effects. class in such a situation are evident. It is impossible to jump over' the stage of the development of tions in agriculture. Forced collectivisa tion, the peasant 'communes' in China and all similar attempts to jump over the development of petty-commodity roduction in agriculture inevitably en in disaster capitalist countries which have attemp ted it such as agriculture has still not recovered 50 years later from Stalin's forced collectivisation of the peasants in 1928-33.
SHET 1 ne peasant communes muroaucca li
power China by Mao-Tse Tung led to a 20 year
near stagnation in Chinese agriculture.
In contrast the restoration of market mechanisms in China after 1976,
agricultural production in five years.
was from an not attempt to check the development
of commodity market production then the consequences are inevitable Social
system of industry cannot be separated capitalist from that of the countryside - as each
provides the inputs and outputs for the
tions of agriculture, system of agriculture spreads into industry — and as the market spreads inamong to industry it produces unemployment,
tion of the working class.
system of the country cannot be comdifferent
foreign trade
La minimum. agriculture USSR or China inevitably attempts to
link up with the international market of capitalism.
Purely internally, there is no way to fully overcome these
Gorbachev Deng ically capitalism has been
The dilemmas that face the working
commodity rela revolution.
deed they also do i
Mozambique. Sovie introduced by Deng Xiaoping, led to over the capitalist more than a 50 per cent increase in
However, if the working class does
employed in wages, differentiation and unemployment in- budget, evitably follow. Furthermore these inevitably spread out of agriculture as the
organisations), political
other. Either, the planned economy of industry is widened into successive sec..
For the market
social differentiation, and the atomisa-
Furthermore the internal economic
pletely separated from the international
- although a monopoly oi gives powerful mechanism to reduce the interaction to that socialism
The market sector in the
precisely break the in one country,
grip contradictions — although a series of policies can be adopted to lessen them. solute It is only on the international terrain through the increase in the number of countries, and in particular econom-
advanced countries in which verthrown tha these economic contradictions can b overcome. As Trotsky put it: 'The way out of those contradictions which wil befall the proletarian dictatorship will be found on the arena of world
This is not the lunatic, and ultraleft, view that nothing can be done in a single country until capitalism is over thown internationally, but it provides the framework in whic economic olicy must be approached. Above a
be directed at improving and strengthen ing the position of the working class. As the Platform of the Left Opposition written by Trotsky put it in 1927: "The decisive factor in appraising the move ment of our country forward along the road of socialist construction, must be are the growth of our productive forces and the dominance of the socialist elements
- together with the sheer improvement of all the conditions of existence of the working class. This improvement ought to be evident in the material sphere (numbers of workers
industry, level of real character 01 the workers' housing conditions, medical aid etc) in the political sphere (party, trade unions, soviets, communist youth
and finally sphere (schools, books, newspapers, theatres).'
Strengthening the position of the working class internally, placing this in the framework of extending the revolutionary development internationally, is the basis of policy when the working
Since 1924, however, a diametrically opposite policy has been applied by first the leadership of the Soviet Communist Party under Stalin and then by the Chinese Communist Party. This is the policy of 'socialism in one country'
- the utopian and reactionary theory
can be constructed within the boundaries of a single state, whether it be the USSR or China.
The consequence of that policy is to
only way out whereby the internal economic contradictions of a country such as the
Analysis
USSR or China can be solved. Stalin sought to block socialist revolution in Western Europe before and after World War II. Then the Chinese Communist Party, in particular during the latter part of Mao Tse-Tung's life and under Deng Xiaoping, turned to coexistence both with the United States and the surrounding Asian capitalist states
The inevitable consequence of this is a bureaucratic oscillation of the Soviet and Chinese leaderships between two courses. The first policy is to attempt to maintain their bureaucratic
by voluntaristic hyper centralisation of the economy. This both atomises the working class and suppresses the peasantry. It was the policy developed by Stalin from 1928 onwards and pursued by Mao, under both the 'Great Leap Forward' of 1958 and from the mid-1960s to the end of the 'Great Cultural Revolution'. The result is stagnation in agriculture, where free commodity production is suppress. ed, and low quality of production in the voluntaristically expanded industry.
The other • course is precisely to adapt to the market commodity mechanisms in agriculture — the policy theoretically advocated in the 1920s in
ussia by Bukharin and applied pra
ically in China since 1976 by Der Xiaoping. This, logically and necessarily, is accompanied by moving closer to the market, capitalist, system interna. tionally — which also means to greater coexistence with international capital. A more 'Bukharinite' shift towards market mechanisms internally, and closer 'coexistence' with capital interna. tionally, is the rationale behind th policies pursued by both Deng and Gorbachev.
The contradictions of this course are also clear. In the USSR, which is now a country dominated by large scale industry, the effect of market mechanisms will be to introduce in. creasing wage differentials, social differentiation, and the beginnings of unemployment. However given the ab
dominance of the Soviet economy by the tremendous weight of the working class these shifts are likely to be limited in their effects. In China however, with a far smaller working class surrounded by a vastly larger peasantry, the consequences can be economic chaos. These policies also tend to atomise and break up the working class.
In fact the consequences of Deng's policies already began to be felt at the end of last year. Planned price increases
of consumer goods for the workin
lass had to be postponed due 1 widespread protests. Attempts to introduce laws allowing bankruptcy of firms, and therefore sacking workers, have been resisted. Extension of the plans to spread the changes carried out in agriculture into industr have been shelved in a number of cases
But in reality both theses policies -that of hyper centralisation and that of adapting to the market mechanisms -
a blind alley. Both reduce the political weight and homogeneity of the working class — the first through through the atomisation produced by repression and the second market pressures.
The only way out is the one that Trotsky outlined 60 years ago — to find the solution to these contradictions in
international expansion 0I the revolution and, internally, directing 1 economic policy increasing weight and cohesion of the working class in society. That policy was de nounced at the time as 'unrealistic History is now judging whether it was Trotsky or Stalin and Mao's policy of 'socialism in one country' which was realistic.
Trotsky noted the theory of socialism in one country was the only view which to its foundations was op posed at every point to his own theory of permanent revolution. As he wrote
"The question of the programme is ir turn inseperable from the question of two mutually exclusive teories theory of permanent revolution and the theory of socialism in one country.' All theories apart from these two are simp ly forms of eclecticism. That was true 60 years ago when Trotsky wrote those words. It remains so today.
Those who fail to understand why should look at what is unfolding in China and the USSR
Page 9 scan of this page
South Africa's NUM
International
African NUM regional
the NUM has grown and fought back.
The NUM was formed in
led by JB Marks and others. But it was crushed. IN THE the union federation ROSATU tried to organise the mineworkers
In 1980 the CUSA (Congress of Unions of South Africa) congress passed a resolution to the effect that when the miners are not organised it weakens the enure working class movement. At that time Cyril Kamapnosa working in the legal unit of CUSA so they elected him to look into the building of a miners umon
The first NUM congress was in 1982 by which time there were already 10,000 workers involved. From me loved very as specialise on de isede of indeed. decided health and safety, on the issue of education. on the question of living standards and working conditions.
We started a health and safety department of the union and worked with other organisations • trying to get into the mines to inspect them, investigate accidents (both those reported and ones not reported). We WIOlC Thousand Ways to Die. the Danielici It
was the workers themselves who revealed the information the pamphlet, wasn't the product of some 'expert. The very week the pamphlet was launched the
Sinross disaster happened
killed). This tragic coin-
Wak clear proof what we are saying.
Organising our union 1s very difficult, especially in the gold and coal mines. The miners are locked in the Coolies. fective strategy is one that is based on the miners organising themselves. When the mineworkers at a particular mine indicate that they want to join the union the organiser is sent to carry through the recruitment.
We don't let it out that we're coming, management intimidatior of the workers. If they catcl you at this early stage, they can arrest you for trespass, turn you over to the police who will give you a goo‹ riding and tell you not t come to mal arca agall.
Once inside we have the meeting with the most enlightened workers. We inform them how to go about recruiting - from room to room, from area to area where people work. It's for them to recruit, not us. Workers have got more faith in their workmates rathonce a majority hars.
Once a majority
signed up then we can ap proach management, seek ing a date for access so that we can have meetings with all the workers. This meeung men elects organising committee who will be made known to th management. In our union,
cannot negotiate with management
THIS IS the second part of an interview with South
organiser, MANNE DIPICO. In the first part published in our last issue, Manne Dipico detailed the appalling conditions in South Africa's mines. In this extract, he explains how
1982 following the massive growth of unions in the '70s. There has been an earlier attempt to establish a mineworkers' union — at the time if the growth of SACTU in the 1950s —
alone. The workers must be there.
In South Africa there
Mozambique, Malawi, Zimbabwe, Botswana.
They've not been involved in the history of labour or political struggles in South Africa and their position is insecure. hem ones they divide them off. threaten them with expulsion from the country if
Numet involved with the
They also try to exploit divisions between ethnic groups and encourage lac tion fights. In a compound ot sav 10,000 workers you could have 12 different languages spoken. The mining bosses appeal to them 'you are Sotho-speaking people working for your amilies', 'you are Xhosaspeaking people, if you lose your jobs they'll be taken by Sotho-speaking people'.
An organiser has to be able speak Many languages if they are to win the hearts and minds of all these ethnic groups, to unite hem and show them who the real enemy is.
Now we've got membershin of more thar 300,000. Our members have been politicised by their. struggle. They have learnt that it's not enough to fight the mining bosses, they've got to fight the racist regime itself.
The members organised in regions which meet monthly. Every two months the central executive committee meets
Manne Dipico where the regional leaderships come together and report on the battles they nave been invoivea in ana that we need to take up.
There are still 400,000 miners outside our union. an union remains weak in terms of organisers. Some regions Have organisers at all. The Free State region with 70,000 members is served by only
we have to take one of them, rush him to another miion of perhaps d mineworkers. need financial help to pay for more organisers. baongress or South African backbone COSATU Trade Unions), the united trade union federation. Our vice-president is COSATU's president.
COSATU was born in 1985. It was a very tough battle to come up with that kind of unity, it took four years to achieve. We're very proud that our dream of a
tually come true with the launching of COSAIU.
The same principle is in-
volved with SACTU (South African Congress of Trade Unions) it's the same
if you don't support
ACTU, you don't suppor COSATU. II you don't support the ANC, you don't support the people of Soutk
The working class in South Africa gives its
SAC and the liberation
the liberation struggle.
In COSATU we take a militant stand. The bosses refused to negotiate with us about May Day so we decided we're going to take May Day off come what may. And we took it. Everything came to a standstill. During the Kinross commemoration WC repeated that unity, when close 325,000 mine workers respondea positive ly to our call and more than 300,000 responded other industries.
The government is now propement. They have at- preparing crush our tacked the people's political organisations the community level, at the student level and with the attacks on the United Democratic Front.
South African mineworkers: these cramped conditions are typical of the compounds in which they are forced to live
Now they are preparing to crack down on the NUM and COSATU. Just like they did with the UDF (Unitec Democratic Front), they are first spreading les about us claiming that our leaders are unrepresentative, that they don't have the right to demand sanctions against South Africa.
We explain that only the 1010 - - not the corporations - have the right to speak on behalf oi the workers. The need for sanctions was endorsed by the founding conference COSATU and by the NUM conference earlier this year.
One reason for being at the International Miners Organisation conference this weekend is to explain this. Our relations with unions in other countries is very important. This is particularly true of our relationship with the British NUM.
We followed the NUM's strike verv close'v. It was so inspiring especially at that time because we were still not properly on our feet. We are, of course, NUM-South Africa and it's the NUM-Britain. That was no coincidence we aspiring to be united and
like the mineworkers of Britain.
I nell strike was all cyc opener for us. It showed that when vou go for a strike you really go. Because of that strike, we have used the strike weapon more effectively.
relationship the British NUM started to Dulla up early this yea when we got an invitation to come here at the time of the state of emergency. Our president and general secretary came and started to establish a real bond of friendship. We are fighting the very sallic capitalists and imperialists, so we've got to forge links, share information and see our battle as one.
British NUM
boosts Central American
solidarity
PETER HEATHFIELD,
mination and America.
Labour Party and
With pre-election
this policy. The tests over the Iran-Contra scandal. are April 1986 bombing of Libya.' El Salvador, the FMLN-FDR.
we
TUC ' Congress House,
London SEI.
E POLITICS
OF IRISH
FREEDOM
GERRY ADAMS
The politics of Adams, Brandon, 176 pages.
payable to "The Other Bookshop'.
Socialist Action 23 Jan 1987 9
general secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers has confirmed that he will speak at the labour movement conference on peace, self deter-
reconstruction in Central • The conference is sponsored by the national unions and will take place at TUC Congress House on 28 February.Heathfield told the organisers, wish to express my own and my union's commitment to solidarity with those struggling for their liberation in Central America'. Such solidarity is vital, writes CELIA PUGH.
building up Reagan, to deliver his Rambo promise to rid Central America of 'the Commies', the Nicaraguan government fears that the US will fabricate a border incident with Honduras as a pretext for the use of US ground troops. The Nicaraguans believe that both Republicans and Democrats will defend
information bulletin Agencia Nueva Nicaragua is cautious about Democrat pro•
They say: 'What the Congress members apparently cannot or do not want to understand is that by limiting the scope of their investigation to improper methods and "errors", while leaving intact the ideological foundations of Reagan's foreign policy, they are opening the door for desperate, reckless acts aim ed at generating a "patriotic consensus" around an emergency situation, such as that achieved in the October 1983 invasion of Grenada and the
The Nicaraguans argue that their best hope oi preventing US invasion is a movement of opposition in the United States and around the world Nationwide demonstrations are planned for the United States for 25 April as part of a campaign to make the price of intervention just too high for the US administration to consider. The labour movement conference in London on 28 February can strengthen our solidarity efforts in Britain.
Speakers from Nicaragua will be joined by representatives of the broad unity organisation of
, the UNTS, and the liberation front,
The labour movement conference provides a chance to consider how the British labour movement can answer the calls for solidarity coming from the people of Nicaragua and El Salvador. • Labour movement conference, 28 February,
Great Russel Street, London WCI. Delegates f6, Observers f4. Registra tion forms from ELSSOC, 13-16 Borough Road.
Irish freedom, by Gerry
Available at £3.95 + 30p p&p from Other Books, PO Box 50, London NI 2XP. Cheques
Page 10 scan of this page
Wapping - a year of
Fortress of lies'-Tony Benn
10 Socialist Action THOUSANDS OF printers and their supporters will converge on Fortress Wapping on 24 January to mark the first anniversary Rupert Murdoch. Few people anticipated a year ago what sort of fight was in store, writes JON SILBER-
people in the aftermath of the miners' strike that to
workers would face such a tremendous onslaught.
provoked order to smash the union.
been on the statute book for years - that if you go • SunKe vou DIcaK yOul
laws He sought to minimise the
LOC
MURDOCHIS BAD NIMA
DON'T BUY
HE *ARE TIMES
SUNDAY TIMES
ROTAT- NGA-AUEW-HUD
September Southampton titles. 1986 20 January Section
24 January Strike SOGAT,
NI workers. 9 February First mass Saturday night. 11 February 7 March Women's celebrate Day.
March Redundancies
going example. 6 April 30,000 demonstration printworkers.
April During offers
paper, as SOGAT ( considering it. 3 May SOGAT
attacked
18 May First
19 May 3000
offer. ballot. 12 June
23 Jan 1987 of the fight against
It is a mark of the difficulties that face working
labour operation recruited
Murdoch won the support of the entire capitalist
Wallis i
1985-7
the run
down
Murdoch recruits scab labour in
and concludes scabbing deal with EETPU leaders. Prepares to provoke strike in order to sack News International workers
21 December Draft agreement proposed by News internationa for work. allegedly, on Murdoch's new London paper. It includes no negotiating rights for union chapels or branches. 29 December Murdoch announces that Wapping is in fact to be used to print existing
of the Sunday Times printed at Wapping.
begins; made official by NGA, NUJ and AEU.
Soon followed by sacking of 5,500
demonstration on a
Court seizes SOGAT funds.
demo al Wapping to International Women's
announced at the Daily Express and the Manchester Evening News. Maxwell declares he
to follow Murdoch's
attend national support of
negotiations, Murdoch Grays Inn Road site as premises tor a labour
part of a settlement. leadership say they are
10,000 strong demonstration, led by
members who have marched from Glasgow, viciously
by police. Over 100 demonstrators injured.
issue of the strikers' newspaper, The Wapping Post.
meeting
overwhelmingly rejects Murdogh's
Dean announces a secret
Ballot result announced. Strikers vate to reject offer.
put their common class interests with Murdoch above any tactical advantage they could get by selling more papers and trying
out of business As tha
of business. The Guardian's director Harry Roche put
'Murdoch created the bench-mark'
Other employers and round to ensure rallied
ensure the success of the government's anti-union policies and the defeat COT militant trade union action.
UDON thousands of police have been deployed against the pickets date the equivalent of 100,000 police work-days. Up-to-date figures aren't available but as long ago as six months twelve hunCHeO Devoe a co rested Many sacked phillels been rested two or three times.
The courts have meted and, in a special way,
work must be allowed to do so.
prevent people going to work.
Therefore the govern-
workers dispute is a complete contradiction of all the arguments tney used against the miners. The reason for this is not hard to find
is essential if the Thatcher government is to survive that media should be allowed
1 of to go on wild tre poncy disinformation, and Mur-
June
28 June
step up the struggle,
August
1 September
September
strike arrangement.
25 September Mass meeting rejects new offer.
8 October
than previous ballot.
22 October
27 November TUC General Council votes by 23
EETPU.
5 December
(eight suspended).
11 December Inter-union meeting calls national
13 December Biggest Saturday
out draconian sentences culminating the imprisonment Mike Hicks, closer associate with the strike and elected to the SOGAT executive last August because of that association. Even in jail the maltreatment continues. Hicks has been moved three times and is now in the Isle of Wight - as the authorities try to prevent expressions of solidarity.
Despite such attacks the printers fight Regularly, twice weekly they have massed with their supporters to demonstrate their determination to win Three 'final offers'
hare been ranced de The
lucrative hand-outs. octobe ballot against Murdoch's £56 million 'final, final offer' was rejected by an even bigger majority than the first.
Less than one-third were nenticed • into taking the THE STRIKE by print workers against News International has now lasted as long as the miners strike
is equally signiticant. In the case of the miners the argument for closures was that the pits were uneconomic and the police were used brutally on the excuse that those wanting to go to
At Wapping the business owned by Rupert Murdoch has been highly profitable and the riot police there have been used to
doch's newspapers are the most powerful weapon at disposal of the prime minister in her attempts to get reelected. Mrs Thatcher therefore needs Rupert Murdoch and Rupert Murdoch needs Mrs Thatcher to provide a protecting his fortress of lies.
That is why the whole Labour movement should be rallying round the print
SOGAT conference votes to back demands of the strikers. Executive take control of the dispute.
Mass meeting of strikers votes to
demands a
production to sites outside London.
Mected onto the SOGAT executian.
TUC conference votes to overturn
take action against the EEPTU. New 'final offer' from Murdoch.
offer at Telegraph
job cuts, wage reductions and no-
Telegraph offer agreed by print
Ballot result announced. Strikers reject new offer by a larger majority
TUC General Council fails to take action against EETPU.
votes to 21 not to reopen file on the
Mike Hicks jailed for 12 months
demonstration for 24 January, and calls for the recall of the TUC.
night turn-out since early summer as three marches converge on Fortress wapping.
Following the ballot, the of the demonstrations have been consistently over 2000strong, quite a remarkable achievement after a year of established inters The have
their own newspaper, Wapping Post, through which they and their supporters can be kept in touch with the latest developments.
Wives, daughters and friends have WAM - Women Against Murdoch as strike support group. WAM has organised pickets, their own marches thousands of pounds.
the Slave printers message to other workers in struggle such as Hanger's, to residents in the Wapping distributing 5000 Christ-
and to the mas caras mining communities.
The printers have workers now in the same wav as thev ralled round the miners with support groups up and down the country.
From both the miners
and print workers strike millions of peopic Have Icallcu now the power of the state harnessed to the interest. of capital can be used to crush the rights of trade unions and destroy livelihood of those who creme une gauon s wedill. We have also learned how the media. including the BBC and the IBA as well as the other proprietors have exercised the power
censorship tempt to deny to the nation at large the truth of what is going on.
deepened their organisa
auring consoule Engineers have organised a national tour to promote solidarity. The 24 January march was called
meet. of activists on 11
It has been the deter. mination and resilience of the printworkers them. selves which has ensured the solidarity from the rest of the labour movement. They continue to receive huge support, regular delegations to the me boycott of Murdoch and marches
titles is widespread. Print support groups exist in a number areas and members of the Campaign group of Labour MPs nave given consistent sup port.
But all this has not been enough to win the dispute. massive increase that solidarity will be needed to win that
We all know that if there is a student demon stration in Shanghai or a
Poland there will be mass coverage on radio. TV and in the papers. But in the heart London, only mile two along the Thames from Westmin ster, we have seen police attack demonstrators and even camera TV companies with barely
the bulletins.
has been the same with the Greenham Common women. They were such threat establishment that not on ly are they being imprisoned but their names are be ing taken out of the media to prevent others from don Bra
News
much-needed victory
with newspaper
tions, the manage
jobs and conditions almost identical sought by
the leaderships because maintain
Today, with 10,000 jobs Fleet
to extend mobilised attacks workers
ing fightback. gaining encouragement to do likewise.
Thus the printers strike whose anniversary. we did celebrating on 24 January nas becomi central to the whole political future of
and that no doubt is why one of its greatest leaders, Mike
Hicks, was imprisoned in the hope that his removal Will dampen the thusiasm of those who have been outside the gates of Wapping for a year
that on 24 January there will be a truly massive demonstration to give neart to nose wilc have been picketing and to alert the community ever more clearly to what is at stake.
Page 11 scan of this page
In the Unions
Only last Friday it was announced that the Daily Mail's journalistic compositing
ed, with 300
with the workers the Mail and othe
The hammer
unions national press.
As tonies. olner
struggle, can
problem Labour
electoral But a
Tories and
the Local.
possible Labour government tomorrow.
The have
setback with the result of the SOGAT ballot for the 58p levy. All the areas which LaVC all caly imposed a WAM visits coalfields —
'Our folk heroes are
just like us'
IN RESPONSE to an invitation
supporters visited ACCI But I never had any real contact. They were kind of
in now. she saw the con-
COL-
struggle
levy voted in favour. The clerical branch voted 2500
HOTO whole against by 51.187 to Brenda
the ballot not about
ment LaaL oucomme showed the dispute
ship. leadership has its feet
fact it until the union in the
ficially the - for jobs and recognition.
leadership has cerned law. On
considering discipline WILd
at Fortress
Wu Wond legal against
at the 24
and Ron Heathfield, WAM supporters went to Chesterfield in November as guests of the Derbyshire Women's Action Group. Last month, a coach load of WAM
Aylesham in Kent,
way of keeping our women DUWI
'As a local group, we can't
and their supporters will be ookme to suen leader. to spell out a strategy to
taking WIll HOL disciplinery action against sacked printers but by bas-
order solidarity.
the 21 the TUC general council whose
failed to Congress inin support une sacked printers.
how the Party
active the
picket and levy of
COLLIOT
From Dean, how the
and how the national
mobilised, of legal consli allELs
Lang
Itanother for the labour We repeat they've
Kay that
Women Pit Ciosures
La stron he NUN SUDOULI leadership,
what them.
said 'and it can done'
throughout the labour
special
being and speakers Their activity already
and Derbyshire community
continued from back page massive assault on wages and conditions.
Ultimately at stake is the 37½-hour week, campaign of national in-
1978, associated 9-day fortnight and 14-day three
engineers.
cance.
union the
ers,
Their arsenal will be . Lo Ocal
and
The will need
L0 sulle.
meetings pickets,
In Brief
London NUR
WIND, ICE and snow have not been the only problems affecting London's public transport system. Drivers at Waterloo station staged a 24-hour strike on Tuesday while their colleagues at King's Cross withdrew goodwill from Mon-
The drivers are fighting
implementation of new rosters as consequence Rail's imposition of more driver-only trains.
On the underground at 24-hour strike of NUR members planned for last Wednesday was called off* at the eleventh hour by the
£10,000 publication fund.
schedule.
single area what they plan to organise.
our fund.
NCU strike escalates
The lesson of the miners' and printworkers strikes is that our fight will be immeasurably strength. ened if the families are fully involved.
Every single trade unionist has a stake in this defeat would be a blow for the entire movement. But a victory can he the signal for united fightback.
union's national execulive. management's agreement lo mezoualc Up til then, management had been inten unilaterally imposing their policy privatisation, cuts in working conditions and reduction of staff.
They adopted this • policy following the Tory government's removal of control of London Transport from the GLC.
What the negotiations will bring remains to be seen. Industrial action still possible following an 82 per cent vote in favour by the NUR's 12,000 members on London Transport.
London buses FIGHTING back alongside underground workers is the best way to defend jobs on London buses.
Confidential documents prepared London Buses Ltd (LBL) have
A day's wages for Socialist Action
IN NOVEMBER last year, we launched a
This quarter we have to raise some f6000 above our regular income to maintain our current publication
So we still need to raise the full £10,000 fund. This means raising the outstanding £8500. Such a project needs special measures from all our supporters. Real resources allocated to achieving our • Every area where we have supporters needs to consider organising some collective fund raising initiative. The sort of thing that readers up and down the country are considering includes dinner dances, socials, raffles, jumble sales, and special issue badges. We need to hear urgently from every
But we are making an additional request. We re asking supporters to donate a day's wages t
supporters value our newspaper's regular publication and will make the financial sacrifices that are involved in donating a day's wages and ensuring we meet our fund in full. That will mean Socialist Action keeps coming out.
Socialist Action 23 Jan 1987 Engineers picket telephone depot in Harlsden, North West London
That's why we engineers must stand alongside other workers in struggle, like the printers
Wapping January
And that's why NCU members will appeal to the entire labour movement to mobilise in our support -financial, moral, on our picket lines.
A massive boost to our
revealed the company's plans to sack 1569 conductors and 1490 drivers over the next 15 months.
One of the documents states that the judicious 'selection of routes (for tendering) in areas associated with vulnerable garages gives LBL management leverage with the unions to improve its com venuve boston andell loses routes, the best op portunity to cross over cost reduction thresholds in the area in question.'
Despite the jargon the message is plain a conspiracy bv LRT and. I.BI management against bus. WULKCIS.
Caterpillar
WORKERS at the Cater-
pillar dington a coar Glasgod,
near occupied the plant follow
American company's decision to close
The breakdown of sales of our raffle tickets was:
Aberdeen Bristol Birminghan
Dundee
Glasgow • Huddersfield Leeds
eamingtor Liverpool Manchester Newport
E London NW London SE ondor N London OW London SW London
11 struggle would be for the Labour Party leadership
announcing that BT be renationalised, new competitor Mercur nationalised, without compensation should the Party win the election And that they will then honour our claim in full
In a word, the NCU must win!
the works with the loss of 1221 jobs.
Monaay donations etc for
balleston, ulasgow Target sale percentage 120 360 480 150
520
Page 12 scan of this page
must win
FIGHT
BILL
SINCE 1979 the Thatcher government has embarked on a policy of increasingly dealing with trade unionism head on and through legislation. The majority of trade unionists development through the Prior and Tebbit laws — which started the process.
Education Bill, which goes to the House of Lords on 27 January, is a further drastic step towards direct state control of labour relations. If it becomes law it will shape future legislation to prevent trade unionists defending their interests.
The Baker Act would allow the secretary of state to dictate teachers' pay and working. conditions, removing teachers' right to negotiate. Calls Luau the secretary of state can bypass the powers of local authorities with respect to
The NUT leadership's strategy for fighting this is based on winning amendments in the House of Lords through propaganda campaign against the Bill. But this campaign is not a workable strategy at all. The House of Lords is not going to defend the working conditions of teachers or any other group of workers. Ken Livingstone's campaign to defend the GLC based on public opinion swaying the
of Lords failed Only action can seriously challenge Baker's legislation.
In this respect the day stondon Teachers A one- the Inner tion (ILTA) on 13 January was exemplary. During a blizzard ILTA mobilised 3000 teachers on the
Westminster The employers, the Inner
education
Name
Address
I enclose cheque/PO pay
Action for £
registered a reaper the on or e
Printed by East End Offset Ltd. (TU), London E2.
SociAlist
ACTiON
BAKER'S
are familiar with this
But Kenneth Baker's Authority (ILEA), admitted that 6000 teachers were on strike.
The rally at Central Hall heard from exactly the sort of alliance necessary to carry through the fight against the Baker proposals. Speakers cluded representatives from ILEA from GCHQ, from the CPSA, and from the Campaign Group of well as from the NAS/UWT executive and
nember of the NUT na Jo a doza - a tional executive and suspended officer of ILTA. This alliance IS in stark contrast the wishful thinking of the NUT executive and their reliance on the goodwill of the House of Lords.
There is no doubt that if the House of •LOTOS passes this egislation unamended the NUT executive will be under great picssure lo aur. But by then the union, and teachers, will be in a worse position as they will be facing not simply proposals
The Socialist Teacher Alliance (STA), leading force on the left in
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that tie, has or cared for that fight. call for teachers to vote against the deal worked out at Nottingham between the NUT and the local authorities was supported ud a ballot Nur members and the 40 per cent majority of teachers who have been balloted voted against it. deal useless and divisive when Consent lie tack. The must
its platform agreed at the 1986 national conference: no linking of pay and conditions.
Central Hall rally on 13 January approved a call for more strike action on 19 February. If the NUT executive is serious in fighting Baker it will put its weight behind this ac100 0
tin better still call frocat
tion itself. authorities must be urged by the trade unions and Labour Party not to implement Baker's 19 contractual proposals, including obligatory cover for absent colleagues.
The 13 January action showed the way forward. It showed that teachers are prepared fight. The NUT national executive must now return to action and help mobilise the torces who can defeat Baker: the NUT on a national scale, the NAS/
the labour movement as whole. Support also needed from parents and educational organisations — Including the local education authorities themselves.
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FIANDER report.
time and working to rule.
BT's managing director Michael Bett, stated bluntly that the company 'are not going to tolerate these 24-hour stoppages. The company issued forms for workers to sign stating that they are prepared to work normally. Refusal to sign has meant a lock-out for 65,000 workers at the time of going to press
Within two days BT's entire operation will be at a standstill. In various parts of the country, engineers have already taken the local level. Sheffield, Lincoln, and Midlands and Manchester Kenneth Baker's Education Bill.
The basis tor these suspensions is supposedly because strike Wah unofficial and broke union
the NUT leadership fearful of the growth of the left in the union, has panicked. By Ray Sirotkin, NUT
The executive has been unable to force teachers to do voluntary duties in Inner London, and unable to force teachers to cover for
The effect of the ILTA strike call can be noted in the trem.
ner London Teachers On
London Teachers 13 January, showing that as far as they are concern. ed ILTA still leads
On the surface, this ICSDOLISC officers of the bs the national
remarkable for its short-sightedness. Thay aren't prepared to action against Baker's Bill, they have attempted to paralyse those do wish to fight.
Why have they acted in this way? Part the answer can be understood by looking at the advances
for teachers during long salaries campaign. _Coventry highlighted, and the Not tingham agreement con-
unal the NUT leadership were preparing
sacrifice this struggle now for the future possible return of a Labour government.
NCU
THE ENTIRE labour movement must come to the aid of 117,000 telephone engineers who work for BT. Their union, the NCU, is under ferocious attack
privatised company. NCU members, MARCELLA FITZGERALD and ANN
Tens of thousands of engineers have been locked out for the 'crime' of taking 24-hour strike action in support of colleagues suspended for banning over-
areas all voted to strike indefinitely until suspended colleagues were reinstated A meeting of London's City branch or Tuesday responded to an appeal from delegates in attendance from the Midlands by voting for indefinite strike action until all suspensions throughout the country were lifted. 'One out, all out' was the overwhelming Santicil as workers called for the take similar indefinite strike ac-
On the same day the NCU national executive aeciaea to call out all of
Reinstate London
NUT council
THE OFFICERS and delegates of the Inner London Teachers Association (ILTA), the London branch of the NUT, have been suspended. Over 80 members of ILTA council have received letters following their vote to call for strike action on 13 January against
However, there another underlying trend.
The salaries dispute and the fight around conditions developed a stronger
in minicar by the
particular Socialist Teachers Alliance (STA). With the onslaught of Baker, only the left
ecol because the bureaucracy were prepared to fight.
The NUT national executive has argued against strike action, saying the! want parental support anc be win over members of the House of Lords. But a precondition
paign against baKer 1 be the reinstatement of IL
Of course teachers want parental support. We the salaries Woll dispute. But in order to gain an alliance with their noble lords the NUT leadership has attempted to break up any alliances teachers can make through action, by gaining support elsewhere in the working
class defeat Baker, ILTA
must be reinstalea and a serious committment Worked must be out. The immediate task for the NUT membership supported by the labour movement, is to make these suspensions back fire.
What you can do:
NATIONAL COMMUNICATIONS London on Wednesday 21 January, and Scotland and the north of Ireland on Thursday. lined the eerin explained executive decision as the union going on the offensive. 'BT had been dictating the pace until today. Now we're call ing London out. That's a step that BT won't relish'.
London is the kev are: Cores come Socion. -COVCIN Stock change, the City, the Post Office tower. The action could well involve Heathrow airport too.
subject of the dispute is BT's response to
call wage call submitted last year. • They offered cent with more strings attached than a puppet theatre. The of fer had nothing to do with the company's ability to pay.
In the three years since privatisation profits have 1ISCL 85 per cent to £1828 million. This is cer-
UNNER
Pass a resolution in any Labour movement body
calling for re instatement
of ILTA • Lobby the hearing of the national disciplinary panel olai fon House,
Hamilton don Place WC1.
UNION
tain to be topped in 1986 where the first six months recorded a profit of £1040 million! felt confident enough to award its Chair a 55 per cent increase, bringing his salary to £172,206. Seven BT directors have had their salaries booster le over £80,000. The number of BT manaYes call ve. £30,000 has risen from 183 to over 500 For the workforce as a whole it's been a different jobs have been chopped. Fifteen thousand: jobs Accidents have risen steeply that for the first time BT's annual repor had been forced to take
But the company is not satisfied with a situation in which profit per employee has doubled in the space of two years. As with media tycoon Rupert Murdoch, protits are (continued on page 11)
LONDON
TEACHERS
ASSOGUAT10
NUT
• Write to the nationa] officers of the NUI (Hamilton House) demanding reinstatement of Il TA. • Send messages of su ort to the ILTA Defen Campaign, 73 Devenay Road, London E15 4AZ
← Socialist Action No. 156, 9 January 1987Socialist Action No. 158, 6 February 1987 →