and the unity of Labour's loft', which we print on page four, and which has achieved some discussion Inside the labour movement, is the best sign since the election of strategic thinking going on in Labour's left. Let us, therefore, look at it. The statement could, undoubtedly, be considerably. Improved on. But its essential points are entirely What the bourgeoisie Is attempting to do in Britain today is twofold. First it is seoking, by every means possible, to keep the Thatcher government in office for as long as possible. Second it is attempting to ensure that whatever government eventually succoeds it does not overturn the changes brought about by Thatcher. That means housebreaking the Labour Party to ensure it does not overturn Thatcherism.
as tar as possible to the right and then finally ensuring that Labour, almost certainly, only gets back into office on the basis of a pact with the The parallel operation to that inside the HOES realist, no strike, strategy of the EETPU and and 'trade union', will come together at the conference when the and AEU will support demands for the introduction of proportional representation -which, in practice today, would mean a deal This reality has major internal conseunions. It means their right wing, above all the tradle union right wing, has a quite clear political project which, in every field, cuts across the interests of the great majority of Labour Party and trade union members.
Yet the 'soft loft' inside the party, that part which looks to Kinnock, is incapable of fighting that project because It is in a bloc with What is more It is the right wing which calls the shots not on presentation, but in terms of a whole series of crucial policies. Robin seat and can decide for itself in which direction it wants to take the party' But the truth is that it can't. If It could where was the campaign against nuclear power, for the national minimum wage, and for other key Issues in the last election? And if the soft left is now able to lead the party by Itself where will be the drastic reforms on the position of women within the party, or of black sections, at this year's Labour Party conference?
The truth is the soft left is not powerfui enough to run the party and it, therefore, has to run it in a bioc with elther the right or the hard left.
in this, sections of the hard left nave pusued, let us be blunt, some rather foolist. tactics of the 'social fascis*" type. This con sists of acting as though those nearest to it in the soft lett were the 'main enemy".
Instead the nard left must nave diftereni tactics. True, where it is necessary, it must be propared to stand and fight alone, and, where necessary accept being isolated. It is necessary oppose laws against unions, or action against Iran, or breaking the accountability of MPs to their Gonerai Committeos, whether or not it is popular to do so. But there is no virtue I n unpopularity for its own sako, or being Isolated for its own sake. That is su polui truth is that on a series of questions the positions of the hard left are not simply principled but popular. And It can find common ground with other forces on issues which take the labour movement forward - which, after all, is the point of the whole exercise.
The statement 'Labour, the Liberals, and the unity of Labour's left realises all that. And for that reason it is a step forward.
Socialist Action 11 Sept 1987