Socialist Conference in Chesterfield on 11/12 June reflected the wide support which exists for Tony Benn and Eric Heffer's challenge to the Labour leadership and its policies. But, unfortunately, the conference did not tap that support and show it a way forward.
What should have been at ine centre orte week end came at the rally on the Saturdav evening when there were a series of blistering attacks on the policy review from Tony Benn, Eric Heffer, Alice Mahon and others. These took up the most central issues facing the labour movement - unilateral nuclear disarmament, public ownership and economic policy, the party's links with the trade unions, the huge change in the working class in favour of women and black people. The meeting, organised by the Campaign Group also the Labour Party. Because it will be at Labour Party in the Lace conferences and Labour Party meetings which prepare it, that the issue of unilateral nuclear disarmament, or the economy, will be decided. No "movement", outside Labour Party, will decide whether nuclear weapons are removed from Britain, or what economic policy is adopted by the movement. That will be decades will take place on 30 June.
On that day Time to Go a charter signed by a very broad range of political higures artists other public figures will be promoted. Planned to coincide with the twentieth anniversary STILISH troops being sent to Ireland, a broad range ot events and political discussion are scheduled, to cul minate in a carnival in London in August 1989.
The Charter's theme is nartnese nave beeswerty wasted years. It points out that with nearly 3000 dead and with no progress on some of the most basic demands of the civil rights mops to find a British successive solution have failed.
A diverse range of figques hon said time ris ures yes to its ain left Northern Ireland?.
include oreanisations like the LCI along with representatives of the Federation of Irish Societies and the Indian Workers Association, journalists such as Melanie McThe turnout of over 2,000 people to the second decided inside the Labour rest of the conference did not have that tocus. It was dictated by concerns of those outside the Labour Party - in particular by the Socialist Society and its concern to try to create a new party outside the Latical focus was therefore developments at the condid not compen sate for that wrong focus.
This CaLC clearly in the attempt to create rival organisations to existing campaigns in the Labour Party. •Women for Socialism' for example, whose platform consisted defeated in internal struggles in the Labour Women's Action Committee, is a purely phantom organisation. Since its founding the first Chesterfield conference it has carried on no activities, circulated For propo sals for the Labour Party THE LAUNCH of what is planned as the largest and most wide ranging series of activities to promote support for British withdrawal from ireland seen for Donald Woods John Pilger, Donald Joe Haines of the Daily MirMargaret Ward and AJP writers such as Taylor, actors 0E1102 Thompson and Robbie Coltrane, poets Benjamin Zephaniah Linton Johnson, Wendy AWES others such Savage Bran Peter Townsend. from across the politcal spectrum have given support and include Clare Short, Ken Livingstone Simon Hughes The aim of the year is to stimulate the widest possible discussion of British presence in Ireland and to take popular support for withdrawal on to an entirely level. The programme of events is very broad in scope, including political meetings and conferences, speaking LOUTS the August demonalong with cultural events such as film TestVal. exhibitions, music and social activities.
Following the press launch of the Charter, a 'rolling launch around England, Scotland Wales is planned for SepTole in the Fight Alton Bill elsewhere, played campaign. sole real us to attack the Action Committee. Yet this organisation was given a prominent place at the conferCHICC Similarly on there organistion in the Labour Party - the Labour Committee on Ireland (LCI). After a series of interna discussions this has adopted clear perspectives. Yet it was nose who had been defeated in the LCI who were given a platform at Chesterfield what was clearly intended was to attempt to launch a rival projected course the LCI This is a purely sectarian project.
The reasons for the tember and October.r London, the LCI plans to organise a tour of colleges for Freshers Fairs and to organise a central London rally for mid-October.
This will be combined with contacting CORSIEU ency Parties in London informing them of events, offering speakers and in particular pro moting resolutions on Ireland and the year of action for the London Labour Party Conference. To begin to revitalise awarenes in the London party, LCI the London conference, London the first for some years These and similar events around the country will be used to promote the Na tional ACTIVISIS Conference planned for Novem ber in London. This aims to consondate strengthen plans for local and national activity leading up to the August demonstration. in London lor instance it is aimed to use the time after this to hold a borough by borough series of meetings, coordinated through the LCI and other supporting organisations in London.
For spring 1989 the final run into the demonstration and carnival will be started visionally entitled Great beDate to teature prominent representatives ambiguities, on number of issues wrong positions, of the conference were threefold.
First, a section of the organisers, in particular in the Socialist Society, continue to press wing do not have the support of Campaign the wider left in the party Thus in the workshop on international economic policy support for the EEC was urged as a policy for the left on the basis of the idea unal is insurutions could be used to contransnational Poreign The workshop ar policy mament was led off by the European Nuclear Disarmament campaign which gives some credence nonsense about the "soviet threat.
One of the papers circulated by the conference organisers, Richard Kuper, urges support for Proportional nepresentation. Concretely ir Britain todav this would simply be a meera formin premajority forming majority governments and instead increase pressure for it to enter •coalllion WILl sEne Social and Liberal Demo- when Is way n has the support of those torees in the labour move ment, such as Eric Hammond, Gavin Laird, and Eric Hobsbawm, who supDor coalition with the SLD This, of course, is tied to the question of whether to be in the Labour Party or not. If the goal is to set up a rival to the Labour Party then PR is essential. If, on the contrary, the real task today is to prevent Labour being pulled into coal tionist politics with the SLD then opposing PR is essential.
On the economy the statement on Aims and Objectives' adopted, and some of the for par forward were a step clearly reaffirming the centrality of public ownership. contrast to the first SocialConterence at which Robin Murray had placed all his emphasis on attacking "traditional" public ownership and it had been suggested by the speaker at the international economy workshop that joining the Monetary SVS tem might be an appropriate response to the Octo ber Wall Street crash. This shift in emphasis on the with involvemen of the Labour Party Black Section, was the chief positive Finally these points came together in the decision to establish a 'SocialISU Movement' with member National Committee and the establishment of local groups. The latter in particular goes in the wrong direction.
There are today clearly established rank and ille campaigns in the Labour Party which have for years a track record of of struggle for party democracy through the Campaign for Labour Party democracy, for rights through the Women's Action Committee against racism - by the Black Section, for withdrawal from Ireland through the Labour Committee on Ireland and so on. These have established recognised poSitions in the party.
The attempt to bypass these campaigns. firstly, will not work and, secondly, is deeply sectarian. Furthermore the politics on which this is being attempted is, in several cases, politically substantially to the right of the existing CAMPAIGN GROUP (SCOTLAND) CONFERENCE campaigns this is par ticularly the case where the Society sCon cerned.
On a local level, hitherto, the Campaign Group has encouraged the forma tion of local Campaign Groups. These have a clear focus winning the activity and political positions which are necessary in the Labour Party 'Ches terfield' groups, which include those not in the Labour Party, have no suc clear role. Furthermore, a in the real world it not possible to build two local organisations simultaneously, Chesterfield groups will cut across the ringing a d the strengthening left in the Labour Party.
This is particularly im portant as the Benn-Hef fer campaign potentially gives a real opportunity to organise the left in the part he ambiguity of its re lation to the Labour Party and the sectarianism it is led into by attempting to bypass the existing campaigns in the party, means that the potential of those 2,000 people at Chester field is not properly utilised. To be effective it has to be clearly reoriented to building an organised left inside the Labour Party and labour movement.