IRABLE. y a Labour government. coward the trade union struggle was one of the causes impelling the latter to create a Labour Party.
If we examine the history of the rally, become clear that from the new of the trade unions. the nartv is their political section. It needs a strike lund, an organisation of reliable men, a gewspaper, dependable Parliament. Expenditures on the elecunions is a conscious Of course, against course breaches torn in the USS OV 1913. Education Generally speaking, hold that any honest, worker, regardless religious, and other and as a school of political favour, as a general rule.
ty of opinion, liberty of con rom considerations of expediency.
others because they wnere only disregard the Labour Party, becomes necessary point of as strikebreakers.
members of ly ne picases, ele tion of members of Parliament are for these unions as legally necessary and obligatory an expenditure as that which goes to clerical and secretarial work.
The 10 per cent rebate obtained by the bourgeoisie is by no means such an innocent matter. It signifies that one out of every ten members of the trade (i.e.
some of these may be won over, but the remainder may be a priceless weapon in the hands of the bourgeoisie, in the case of a real strugTherefore inevitably fort, in the further workers. We must struggle, against wall of the trade we Marxists straightforward of his convictions, may be a member of a trade union. We consider the trade unions, on the one hand, economic organisations, education.
Although the admission o backward and non-a b! workers to the trade unions. we do no: start trom the abstract prinepie ei But these very consideration 2. 3 that in England, where 90 per := the workers organised in trade ur..-:
ay the political contributions because of their direct desire to de :
do not disere the spirin of solidare decide open appea a systematic struggle against these 10 per cent. They must be made to teel that they are deserters, and the trade unions must be given the right to exclude them In the last analysis, if the abstract citizen has the right to vote for any parthe orzanisa- time. very • that • For Weighell • for leadership USDA W up mese tions have the right to refuse to admit to their ranks such citizens as show by their political conduct that they are hostile to the interests of the worki, The struggle of the trade unions fo the exclusion of unorganised workers from the factories is already known as a manifestation of "terrorism' present-day parlance Precisely in England, these methods can and should be transferred to the Labour Party, which is a direct continuation of the trade unions ...
The anti-Liberal, despotic collections tributions contain, as the future stalk and ear are contained in the grain, those Bolshevik methods against which MacDonald tirelessly sprinkles the holy water of his aroused mental limitations.
The working class has the right and duty to place ifs deliberate class will higher than all the tictions and sophisms of bourgeois democracy.
It should act in the spirit of revolutionary self-confidence with Cromwell filled the young bourgeoisie. Cromwell exhorts Puritan Sun, as fellows: a will not cozan yoy recruits, we have already perplexed expressions in my com fighting for King and Parliament. If the King chanced to be in the body of the enemy, I would as con discharge my pistol upon him a pon any private man; and if your con -ence will not let you do the like, I ad ice you not to enlist yourselves under These are not the words of blond -- * despotism but 00*:***:: ...= Throughout this article Troisk, in commor with the useage of the time, uses the terms sneaken when terene to reviou nade unionists or political ee tivis.
have chosen change Decense distort the lene: of conscares workers and revolute AS THE fight for the Labour leadership hots up, Street are back on their old hobby horse - the need for postal ballots in the unions and the Labour Party:
ALAN FREEMAN argues that the way forward to democratic control of working class organisations is the opposite of postal ballots.
SOCIALISTS have always argued many unions undemocratic. We've pointed this out on many occasions when Fleet Street was strangely silent.
example, when the unlamented rail workers' leader Sidney unilaterally sabotaged train drivers' strike by refusing to back against tne wisnes or mis execulive and his members.
the gentleman used his block vote at the Labour Party conference, again on noone's authority but his own, to help saddle the Party with a witch-hunting under right-wing John Golding.
• For example, when the leadership ol unions like the TGWU, GMBATU an voted for the witch against Militant, despite the votes their own conferences against any witch hunt. Fleet Street on that occasion held moderation and democracy. OF — IN Bolshevism.
all which English This :0=sexist Fleet Street is of course Fleet silent about democracy in other parts of British society.
We haven't noticed any demands for a postal ballot or a referendum on whether to bring cruise missiles to this country, or whether to push the button to start a nuclear war!
Or what of those elected, like the House of Lords, who inherit powers over us?
And what of that whole array of establishment elected but make most of the vital decisions which affect our lives bankers, the faceless people who industry and finance, the judges? And what about the owners and editors of WaSS circulation are they going to be elected?
So perhaps we ought to be a little cautious about Feet street's concert for democracy. more for movement they do it in a very particular same way but he establishment and the pres establishment and favour the postal ballot for the simple reason that at home workers hear only baron one voice the Money speaks through the newspapers, irough une television, unrouga specia management circulars, through a hunhunt dICU which the workers movement cannot possibly rival.
In their homes workers cannot hear contending arguments, and above all cannot put their own point of view in strangel!
There are voting ballots who are not that the OI the figures who are never run bosses.
newspapers? When When they propose the workers' - not more democracy in general, the press vote money.
devices overthrow bureaucrats argument and denis!
What is the atternate: Tet rani: union reform is to marimive partripa tion and discussion with voting many Rays in can be organised - branch workplace ballots. conferenc votes. But it is around conference vote:
participation the membership is most fully reflected.
The lett in the unions has to figh for the most democratic possible conduct of union conferences. Discussion:
motions local level. the mandating of delegates is vital.
In general, voting after a discussion with the right to put contending views i always more democratic than a postal vote dominated by the media and the If any rival point of view to Flee Street's is heard during a postal ballot, it is onlv the voice or the union barons who the press vilify. Rank and file workers never get a look in.
And that is the real reason that Fleet Street favours the postal ballot. Not to clip or silence the union baron's power, but to use it for their own ends.
This is not democracy; it is a travesty of democracy. We should resist the postal ballot and use our own kind of democracy the democracy of the workplace and the meeting hall, to challenge and both the Fleet Street, Whitehall and the City barons.
Socialist Action 22 July 1983
four years of revolution A TINY COUNTRY of just three million dinista Front for National Guard.
people of Nicaragua as the revolution has deepened and consolidated. But in July 1983 the Nicaraguan revolution is under siege — not from the people but from the remnants of the Somoza's national guard, from the Honduran army and above all from the United States.
Nicaraguan revolution tionary process throughout Reagan is determined to destroy it.
Nicaraguan revolution.
Somoza turned Nicaragua into his fiefdom. His family ruled the country 1936 he ower after the death o nis uncle in 1967 But post-war economic growth partial urScrewed working class and middle strained by the personal rule of the Somoza dvnasty and his praetorian NaAfter the earthquake valineud 1970 Somoza stole virtually all the aid funds. A new middle opposition crystallised around the Democratic Liberation Union (UDEL) in 1974.
The assassination of opposition leader Pedro Chamorro in 1977 led an explosive growth of opposition.
From the beginning of 1978 the FSLN began armed actions against the regime. The FSLN's final offensive took place betMarch July 1979.
The National Guard mounted determined resistance. he fight tor National Liberation Four vears have brought immense gains to the The US knows full well that the example of the has spurred the revoluCentral America.
Here, PHIL HEARSE looks at four years of the power was completed by a week-long insurrectional uprising Managua, which Somoza's troop resisted bv anuscotale bombing raids against the WUIKLIE barrios Tens of thousands were killed. Armed The FSLN formed a 'Government Junta of National Reconstruction' (JGNR). While the FSLN were in a small minority in the Council of State, they held sway in the government "junta' despite the presence of bourgeois opposition figures lIKe Violetta Chammorro and Altonso Robelo Among the first acts of the revolutionary government was the creation of huge public sector of the Decree no 3 of the JGNR decreed tionalisation of the finance system in industrial, agricultural and commercial enterprises belonglag to the Somocistas.
But a large private s cFSLN fighter during 1979 uprising tor was allowed to stay in The FSLN existence. tempted to use the private re-build the while keeping bourgeoisie Lilli supervision and control.
At the top of the Sandinistas' agenda has been re-moachlg of the state apparatus, basing all organised and armed people In addition to the half-million strong Sandinista militia, led at the time • O| its founding by Eden Pastora FSLN leader Ortega speaks in front of portrait of Sandino of 1980 the FSLN the Literacy Campaign. One hundred thousand volunteer youth and students were sent to une countrysiac In tempt wipe out il. literacy. Apart literacy being an immense .to economic reconstruction, the camPaign was a nuge process of politicisation and selfDespite aid Cout offs, despite cut-backs ports despite the cost of financNicaragua's ot huge foreign debt, great social progress has been recorded.
Food consumption has since Somoza's time. ent since Somoza's time literacy has fallen over 50 per cent to around 12 per cent. rree Dublic medical and dental care is available Lose WINU need it.
Nonetheless the economy is still beset by problems. The first blem which the Sandinistas had to confront sabotage the private sector the clonelly During the first two years of the revolution immense amounts of currencv were illegallv sent out of the country. Industrialists and farmers refused to invest or to maximise cultivation of the land The FSLN has been forced into harsher and harsher measures to stop these abuses As the revolution has gone more and more in a socaust orrector. secuon. of the bourgeois oppostsomoza nave gradually split away from creasingly in counterrevolutionarv direction The first defection came in March 1980 when Robelo and Chammorro left the government This was the response of sections of the bourgeoisie to the laws against economic sabotage and decapitalisation.
In 1980 the FSLN that it would take a working majority in the Counci State, to revolutionarv hegemonv in the state apparatus.
Crisis Robelo's MDN (Nicaraguan Democratic Movement) was trying to break any alliance between the Sandinista and sections of the bourgeoisie. Despite these events, the employers federation, the COSEP, LOOK the Council of State in Iviay 1900.
Throughout the summer of that year, the anti•Sandinista bourgeois intensified its campaign. It culminated with a series of strations Novembe supported by the MDN the Church the COSEP.
in Managua on 9 November which was banned by the FSLN. MDN offices . were sacked by Sandinista On 12 November the bourgeois tatives left the council of state The crisis reached its crescendo November when Jorge Salazar, COSEP vice-chairman, was shot deac by Sandinista police while trying to smuggle arms in to the country. Two days later in response an FSLN appeal 100,000 peo. ple took to the streets of Managua. Mass mobilisadon ac calcu unc countci revolullonary call•all.
Aid The last two years of the revolution have been characterised by a deepening class polarsation, lul ther inroads into the of private capital, and above all the massive escalation of the imperialist build up against the country Nicaragua has far from overcome the quences 'under. development' The berlanst economic squccrs on the country the huge foreign debi have made the development of industry very difficult.
needs massive foreign aid to sustain the investment process Cuba has given substantial aid But here and now, the vital question is the very survival of the revolution. After the devastation the war waged by 1 Somoza against •FSLN faces a war with Hondura backed by the United States.
Despite all difficulties and setbacks the Nicaraguan people know that the revolution has laken lnem a glan sle! forward. Its gains will not • surrendered vader without a bitter fight to the end
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cabour NO postal ballots
people has become a focal point in world politics. that country, led by the revolutionary San-
(FSLN) overthrew the pro-American dic- tator Somoza, and swept out his murderous
Socialist Action 22 July 1983 Four years ago this week the people of