DUMFRIES one Valley way a distraction from more central issues or from other tasks. It involves a total onslaught on gone emertpoli social work education, social work, economic functions which would be devolved to an Assembly, home affairs, local government and so on.
The campaign should be designed to identify and highlight policy issues of immediate concern — using these examples to simultaneously make the case for the Assembly and for alternative socialist policies in much more down to earth terms than we nave done in previous devolution debates.
The mandate question is therefore only the campaign umbrella.
dimension of policy issues forms the substance of the campaign, and engineering mass support for a democratically elected body to determine domestic policy is the immediate target. (Whether this is the Assembly or the majority of Scottish MPs in the SGC defying the Secretary of State).
Fainthearts in the movement express reservations highlight the Scottish dimension and waging a high-profile campaign ICostallu government Others question the feasibility mobilising support around what they portray. - mistakenly in our view -as a narrow constitutional issue.
Those who have argued that it is dangerous to raise expectations about devolution without a guarantee of FORTH Y DE BORDERS GALLOWAY radical social change.
Certainly
in trying to greater loch democracy from an regional self-determination. even less pedalling on mandate campaign)
involving parliamentary parliamentary local campaigning outtlank housthe on this Issue.
electoral considerations, be by-passed The individual hope.
local government policies.
of relevance of socialist policies. success must appreciate that this objection can be applied to political opposition on almost every issue. Such an approach comes close to being a counsel of despair, and should have no place in a movement committed to should not underestimate the problems we face wrest an Assembly or intransigent government, but in the immediate future we are still more likely to make some progress on this issue (even in the face of government opposition) than on almost any other.
Rightly, none of these critics use the same reasoning to suggest we tone down our opposition on other campaigning issues (such as unemployment, privatisation, steel, coal, shipthese are all al cas action. where our tactical position and the power to deliver is much weaker than efforts to restore a degree of There is justification for softdevolution when it is remembered that probably our best chance of making at least some progress on some of these other issues in the next five years is by direct action (of the kind most easily justified in a For in establishing a Scottish Assembly as a defensive bulwark against Thatcher.
An assertive campaign by Labour FORTH -BORDERS DUMFRIES & GALLOWAY)
Insupport in England and Wales if they can point to successful examples of socialism in action north of the border - with private schools private medicine abolished, socialist experimentation in housing social services, local initiatives to help industry and fight unemployment There are, of course, some areas where the type of campaign discussed will overlap with and com plement resistance in other parts of the UK too.
For example, the attack on local In England Wales Co-operation with other regions is important and valuable and we should examine ways of linking any action we Younger to similar action in England and Wales other industrial resistance and CND But we must also press ahead on our own, and not lose sight of the fact that the mandate issue is much more clear-cut in Scotland. At the end of the day, that is our strongest card.
We must be clear too that the action proposed will go beyond more vigorous resistance to new legislation on Scottish affairs. In parliament we should not only be stopping all Tory measures coming out of St Andrew's House, but challenging the legitimacy of administrative directives and circulars which the majority of Scottish MPs have not endorsed, encouraging authorities, individuals trade unions to disregard and refuse to co-operate with proposals which dõ not command majority support.
what is possible and appropriate in the from those directly involved. Several ideas have already been being the Party should establish working groups to examine these and come up with further suggestions. attention should perhaps be given to what local authority and trade union representatives can do in their capacity as members of outside bodies (such as quangoes like the area boards of the MSC and health boards). take Problems dustrial action in the face of a worsening economic situation and Tebbit's legislation Realistically, therefore, industrial action should - at least initially — be geared to issues with an Assembly dimension where action might in any case have taken place. Issues such as selective achon to boycoll health service, or against privatisation in local authority services spring to mind as possibilities. These are both issues which directly threaten union THE Outside parliament, proposals on areas of local government anc union resistance should come floated, and Particular The problems associated with inLa focus ploiting appreciated. cluding a support of this campaign LICE Scotland pay beds in the cher which BORDERS DUMFRIES 8 GALLOWAY members' jobs, as well as being examples of government action in areas where they have no democratic mandate in Scotland for their policy.
A Joint Action Meeting of Scots Labour MPs, the Scottish TUC and the Scottish Council of the Party has agreed to the production of a Devolution Bill by the opposition as for this issue and to all parliamentary means. to attack the Tories on devolution in Censure Debate on the government for its lack of action.
These are a few steps forward and although some of us want to go furthe movement is clearly, cautiously, moving forward to challenge Thatin nei weakest spot. should receive the wholehearted support of the whole British labour movement.
Socialist Action 7 October 1983