SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

Majority

Socialist Action No. 30, 21 October 1983 · p. 4 of the scan · 450 words

The scan: 030-oct-21-1983-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 3-3 of 7; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 4 of the scan

Conference recognises that the bipartisan policies of successive governments which have supported partition of reland have failed 'Conference agrees that the State of Northern Ireland was specifically established to ensure a permanent Unionist allows Loyalism a veto over such unity. 'Conference therefore believes that the Unionist veto on progress towards a united Ireland is itself undemocratic, represents the major stumbling block on progress towards Conference defeater votes to 913,000.

I'D LIKE Composite 16 which is on a single issue, If conterence carries we shall end the Loyalist The question of Northern Ireland is the most important single issue for the United Kingdom. It is our view that this resolution Composite 16 would involve conference in the most important • single decision this week. firstly, because it goes right to the heart of Britain's relation to secondly, because it is a clear vote for against bipartisanship.

If we pass it, even in opposition, it will transform the prospects for the situation there.

In Northern Ireland a war is in • progress: street warfare; violence on both casualties including British troops; innocent people nurt: interrogation of prisoners; imprisonment without jury.

But we would make d great mistake we thought the consequence of what was happening in Northern would not spread to, Britain well. For the war in Northern threatens civil iDentes It is a hopeless, bitter, endless conflict until justice is given to the Irish people.

Our problem is that the Labour Party is confused in what it says. We came out for reunification then said we would endorse the veto. As a party we have abdicated our responsibilities and, as a result, our responsibility to Ireland:

I want to deal with the argument about the veto because said there democratic defence of it partitioned Ireland. And not only that but the veto is absolutely undemocratic, for while itlasts it prevents the people in the irisn kepabic Iron and say about their future and it excludes the British people too. And there is good grounds for believing i not ae more, of the not a majority, of the British people see the British problem in Northern Ireland ended.

The veto blocks off all progress for the future. they know that whatever Lic uv we can use ut veto to bring British soldiers to sustain their position?

For the veto is not all it seems. The veto is why the British Army is there. The veto is why the H Blocks are there. The veto is sus•tained by the strip searches, the Emergency Powers, the Prevention of Terrorism Act.

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moorerence further notes that previous Labour policy has been anomalous in that while it supports Irish unity it also

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