SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

The Harrods' bombing

Socialist Action No. 39, 6 January 1984 · p. 4 of the scan · 615 words

The scan: 039-jan-06-1984-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

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page 4 of the scan

The tragic deaths in London have shaken us or in West Belfast, bombs, bullets, and the violence of war bring death, mutilation and senseless destruction.

Supporters of the Labour Committee on are no cheer leaders for the Provisional IRA. but neither are we to be steamronered by tne hypocricy of pious condemnation.

The Surrey Stockbroker interviewed on television outside Harrods said he thought it was people Eke him who were to blame because they had not done enough to think about a political solution. The Tory government would do well to consider that.

Bernadette McAliskey said some time ago: 'it doesn't matter at all whether I support the armed struggle. I am just one person. What I say is this, whatever I think, and whether I like it or not, as long as British troops remain in Northern Ireland, and as long as there is no political solution, so meone is going to pick up a gun. They are going to. do that whether I like it or not, so what I am trying to do is to look and fight in my own way to find that political solution.' that neither the shooting in the Republic nor the Harrod's bomb were authorised has increased speculation on an open power struggle inside the The Sinn Fein Ard Feis (pronounced 'ard-esh') did not indicate the imminence of such a confrontation.

Widely reported as a conference of change the Ard Fheis was seen to herald the smooth trasfer of power to a new generation of leaders flushed with electoral success who were keen to shed their traditional image and modelled along socialist republican lines.

Adam's address drew political lessons from the struggle. In the North he talked about building apon the 100,000 votes in the Westminster elections to become the majority nationalist party. The military creasingly political; targets were to be the army of occupation, RUC and UDR. must be avoided.

He explained the importance of building, socialist republican party throughout Ireland's 32 Counties, and argued that different methods and tactics would be make progress in the South.

Since November, we have seen this approach undermined.

Unionist politician justified by his support for the of informers, has opened the door to more political assassinations.

South, soldier and Garda in the wake of the Tidey kidnap has led to cynicism about the claim of Sinn Fein not to be planning an extension of the armed struggle.

In Britain the Harrod's bomb sets back our shared goal of strengthening the Livingstone-type dialogue in order to build a withdrawal movement.

Who is in the driving seat of the republican movement will have to be resolved, but Sinn Fein leaders are anxious not to repeat the bloody factional battles of the early 70s.

In the wake of the Harrods bombing there have been renewed calls for the banning of Sinn Fein and the extension of the Prevention of Terrorism Act. A sustained campaign is being waged to make them out to be nothing more than 'terrorists'.

The objective of these campaigns is to make a political dialogue with the nationalist community in the Six Counties impossible.

ment faces the difficult job pressures for an end to the dialogue.

that without a political settlement, without the national rights of the Irish people being granted, and without the violence will inevitably continue.

Niall Power, Secretary, shortly to and Ireland'.)

The statement by the IRA create a popular movement struggle he said, was becoming inCivilian casualties necessary if Sinn Fein were to In the North, the shooting of. a.

unauthorised shootings of a

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all. Human life is irreplaceable. Misery and sorrow goes on. In the West End of London

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