LAST WEEK the inevitable happened in Lebanon, as President Gemayal was summoned to Damascus to see Syrian President Assad. Assad laid down his terms for a settlement of the Lebanese fighting, and it turned out to be a settlement which was a very long way from being one based on the needs of the Lebanese masses.
Despite the fact that the fighting over the recent acers nas beer socalcadby the Druze PSP militia the Shi'ite group Amal, their offensive against the right-wing Christian Phalangist government of Gemayal could not have take place without Assad's backing.
Syria, with its 40,000 troops in Lebanon has an effective veto over the activities of the PSP Amal. Both these groups are financed and supplied svrians Bút the Assad regime is far from inherently anti-right wing, 'anti-imperialist'. essence Assad wants to be the centre political negotiations over a peace settlement in the Middle East, in order to push his own demands for return of the Golan Heights from Israel, and тоге generally for Syria in for the Arab world.
In order to do that he wants to be under effective Syrian control which would in effect have meant a fnendly to, and reliant on, Israel and the US - cutting Syria out of the game.
Gemayal's Phalangist present round of government was of course opposed by the Lebanese muslim masses from a very different angle for the simple reason that a Phalange government means a reactionary, pro-Western government which promotes the terests of the Lebanese ruling imposes harsh repression on mass of the people.
That's why the fighting started bv the Druze Por Amal against the Phalangists took on aspects of a real insurrection with mass involvement to bring down Gemayal, especially in south and west Beirut.
Assad has got the victhat he needs against the Phalange.
SLOW NO blem which faced before his troops intervened in Lebanon in 1976. In order to keep his influence and power in Lebanon he needs a government totally under his own thumb. A macia dominated te ment dominated various Muslim organisadifferent the which requires himself especially civil Contud Wal against the Phalangist promotea lCW radical tendencies in the struggle.
Therefore Assad has come UD with his 1CW peace plan which he presented in the form of a series of demands Gemayal. It amounts to *residemayal but stayas President, but abrogate the peace treaty with Israel, symbolic gesture showing WIO ebanon's Masters Ically dre.
Gemayal will then form a coalition cabinet to include figures from Amal PSP, probably pro-Syrian Christian and Sunni Muslim figures, for example Franjieh. government of 'national will then do its best to call off the fighting, thus giving the Maronite Christian minority a big SLaKe in tuture ment, but a much reduced Capitalism Lebanese bourgeoisie of all confessions will still be happily an 'independent' state - bul under the aegis of Presi this agreement will satisfy Nabih Berri, the leader of the Shi'ite Amal. Berri is a bourgeois politician, not President Gemayal an Islamic fundamentalist. He and Amal do not demand an Islamic Lebanon, but merely a bigger share largest the cosiony! grouping in country. Equally, Walid Jumblatt's *Progressive Socialist Party' belies its name: it is an with nationalist leadership which seeks a bigger say for the Druze 1 UlCIS When the Muslim and ensaces were the verge of victory in the 1975-76 civil war arallls the Christian Phalange the Syrian army intervened to attack them and their Palestinian allies. It was a hard lesson. The Syrian dictatorship, despite all its Arab nationalist rhetoric,