THE ALL-IRELAND forum, which has just reported, was founded by the bourgeois nationalist Irish parties (SDLP, Fiana Fail, Fine Gael) in response to the H-Block/Armagh campaign which mobilised 60,000 people on the streets at the time of the hunger strikes.
This campaign affected political life at every level both south and north. It also gave a boost to the Republican movement on the electoral level, winning support SDLP to Sinn Fein.
This development left the bourgeois nationalist parties running scared. itiative of the present coalition government in the south to asess once again the question of Irish unity, to win back some credibility. The Forum report laiks about Iree opulons 'confederal' solution and 'joint sovereignty' between the British and Irish governments over the North.
The three options represent the political debate among the Irish bourgeoisie. On the one hand Fianna Fail as the 'traditional nationalists' hold our lor me shoe untan sere. hand the historically pro-particon party Fine Gael basically capitulating to sovereignty' solution. The 'confederal' solution was thrown in as a sop to the Unionists, and is basically meaningless.
Overall the Forum report is as Danny Morrison called it a 'dolly mixture'. It doesn't come down decisively favour of any Charlie Haughey of Fianne Fail wants to believe that it calls for a united Ireland. Gareth Fitzgerald, as opposed Haughey, possibility of all three options and is just pleading with the British for discussion.
The Forum report does not in any way address the question of the Unionist veto, and that is its fundamental weakness. It talks about a constitutional conference, the possibility of drawing all ponucal forces logelner to discuss lne lulure ol Ireland, but this would be just a conference of the capitalist parties and not the mass of the Irish peopte. It's a long way from the demand which we in Peoples Democracy would Constituent Assembly, which would give the opportunity for the leaders of the working class and the Republican movement lo participale.
Without doubt the main Forum was to rescue the SDLP, 'constitutional nationalism' in the Six Counties, from the rise of Sinn Fein, for example in a number of local government elections recently — and who are being seen on the ground ss ano less as me voice of me nanonaist community, but rather as the people who will sell out =hen the crunch comes.
Without saying that the SDLP are finally dead, which would be an exaggeration, we are likely to set the rise of Sinn Fein being deepened in the coming EEC elections, marginalising collaborationist party. But the SDLP still retains credibility on an all-Ireland basis, and there lies the cracial question for Sinn Fein strategy to build a 32-county working class leadership. and how can they turn their success in the Six Counties onto an all-Ireland level?
At the centre of this is the need to turn to the Forking class and its organisations, particularly trade unions and community organisations. That will put the final nail in the coffin of the SDLP.
upwards of the The Forum was an inLa unilary stale, a and on the other Britain with the 'joint Loyalists and option, although is emphasising the put forward, for a democratic assembly attention of the which have taken place the SDLP as a - what is their Pot AN HORICUT Question. Why has Sinn Fein decided to contest the European elections?
Sinn Fein over the last tree years nas adopied an electoral strategy as one of LIC Central planks of une struggle. This came about Dasicauv rom use movement the hunger strikes the need to develop an altertional, collaborationist Social Democratic Labour Party (SDLP).
Our intervention
ceciolar ponnes nas cor nered the British nationaliv and internationalv and shown that there popular war of iberatior going the British presence. So, would nave been to give up that strategy had we not decided to contest these elections, just as we had contested the June 1983 elechon o ne Brilsn parila ment at Westminster ine ciccuon Nor thern Ireland Assembly in October 1982. It is part of our ongoing strategy.
How does Sinn Fein view the Ireland's membership of it?
Membership the • disastrous for South. particularly for agriculture. There were initial benetits but they soon disappeared The EEC is BOH geared Harde farmers. Small farmers are there are at tempts to drive them off the land, particularly in the South. In the North small farmers to some extent have been protected against the tull elects the South where there is dairy farming they are going to be particularly hit by EEC disastrous for Irish farmers Sinn Fein candidate Danny Morrison the super levy the decision to curb milk output The EEC also opens up Ireland Vorth and South to multinationals and ex ploitation of the people. Take example even housing, there is talk the money being thrown in here, but when you actually study where it's going to, it's just being gobblec up by the British government. They are supposed amoull ailu they do not. What is needof ed is a huge injection resources to end the scandal of the housing : situation, the North of Ireland has the worst housing in Western Europe.
We consider there to be extreme dangers with membership of the Hand in hand with membership of the EEC is an orientation to a military The EEC at this point in lme is almost In terchangeable with NATC - ne Wester calle As our policy is for an anti-nuclear dangers of membership the gradual moves towards a general Western security policy which we believe is dangerous as e opposed membership and we will be contesting the crecuons of. an anti-imperialist platthe military nature of the What does Sinn Fein see as the central issues in the In the North the EEC elections will be a referendum within the nationalist community on the national question. It will not be fought on the issues that will dominate England, France or to large extent in the Counties. although we wil be the national there. In the South. where probably economic political matters will be the SUllIC issues. we hope to turn it around to the Brits and the national question.
What kind of campaign will Sinn Fein be fighting North and in the South?
In the South there are many us There is a lack of access to the state radio and television networks which has a 'spillover' effect to the rest of the media. There have been attempts IO make terms underdevelopment. are a very small organisation engaging in a very big However, North where sinn rein 1s much stronger than it is in the rest of the country, there will be a campaign where we believe we can win. , so. what we hope to do is produce a political veto to match the Irish Republican Army's (IRA) military veto on the British attempt to stabilise their rule the Dublin government's collaboration with them.
OncE command majority support within Ou. community North there will be two developments. Firstly the British government is going to have to change its policy Sunningdale "power-sharing 1974 aareemen une British government have continuec although this insistence been wanted down over the years - that any devorton or powers to a local assembly • must comcross-community support once command majority support within the nationalist communiti we will demand not power sharing a retormeo Six County state, we want united Ireland with the ants our are an enolo une Loyalist veto.
The Brits are going to have to change their policy and either face un to real. ty or give greater support to Lovalists and their call for devoluLOT which would mean support for sectarian state, which would have its ramifications on relations with the South.
For the Southern government itself once the SDLP could no longer claim to be the majority of the tionalist people in the Northen would their the North gone. The Southern Dal lics have formulated SDLP, did s ace it is inha their and once it is in a minority position they are going to have • to deal realistically with us. Sinn Fein's victory will have a dramatic effect on the Overal penal situation with regard the naHow does Sinn Fein hope to advance in the South through these elections?
We don't expect to win any seats but its the perience we are looking for. We are flying our flag and hoping to get an injeclon or new members. You have to crawl before you can run. Also, we believe that when the total vote is counted third largest nationalist party in Ireland. We will have more first preference VULC. thar Irish Labour Party.
What is the significance of Sinn Fein's decision take seats in the European parliament if elected?
We realise would have been political suicide io contest the elections on abstentionist ticket. Also the does not nave ine same reanons o to us as the British occupation or Leinster House (the Southern parliament) which was set the British in 1920. The Éuro. pean parliament is sufficiently the question of Irish sovereignty for us to go in and take our seats What we woula nope to do is lo use the EEC platform as an international lobbying point. We believe some one in Europe could lobby sympathetic political parties, national labour movement embarrass the Brits and expose their violence in Ireland.
How will you measure success in the elections?
Success will be measured IWO ways. First of all the vote in the zo counues see • it We have made many in-road the INOIL. it will be mess oed bune comparison with our vote 103,000 'alls minimum taking the seat at maximum. It will be a vote on which we hope to build strengthen our organisation.
Socialist Action
Socialist Action 27 ing for concessions from 1984
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forum — lifeline to the SDLP
We remember MP (1954-1981) Murdered three years ago this week in the Long Kesh H Blocks by Thatcher and British imperialism.