SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

Labour's alliance for socialism

· Socialist Action No. 57, 11 May 1984 · p. 9 of the scan · 1,249 words

The scan: 057-may-11-1984-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

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page 9 of the scan

ALLIANCE for Socialism' by Tony Benn in last week's issue was very So was Socialist Action's first Doubtless we would all quibble over details. But I would endorse the broad thrust of both contributions.

Indeed, their ment is in line with the position the Labour Co-ordinating Committee (LCC) has some time now.

This is encouraging, because new circumstances are opening up for the movement, which it is essential for Labour's left achieve the maximum possible unity in action.

Peter Hain In this new phase, one of the key issues, Tony Benn rightly tifies, will be support for groups and individuals in struggle.

That is why it is so critical that the whole Party gives full support to the miners. The outcome of their battle will affect Hane workers in the mining industry. It will determine terrain upon other industrial struggles will have to ve van a w also anect une confidence of others resisting policies, for example in local government or the peace movement.

Having come through a period in which it was necessary Party through is new leadership to authoritative Opposition -LCC HONES enough to argue for that after it is equally necessary that the left does not duck its current responsibilities.

One of them is to make sure that local organises regulal collections for the miners, donating from existing CLP funds or GMC members, knocking doors and appealing for That is partly the way we will build the depth of political support needed to enable the miners to win.

That is also the way we will help to achieve a much better stance from the party leader and PLP which so far has been inadequate.

For it is our job as labour movement activists to ensure that the base is built of strong and deep support for miners, counterposing political pressures on the leadership in the other direction.

This illustrates what the wider role of the Labour's left should now be. It must act independently leader and it is mischievous Socialist Action to suggest that the LCC has ever suggested otherwise.

The left cannot and must not be expected to act as a Neil Kinnock fan club. But neither must we assume the posture with most previous Labour leaders.

There is, in short, an important distinction between and independence create conditions at rank and file level which are tavourable for socialist advance. To do that Labour's left must independently establishment. But, equally, it must cure itself of the disease of automatic oppositionalism, the reason that this allows us to duck our OVI TOPICS Some currents on Labour's left leaders or other left currents than SUNDON socialism so obviously absent in Britain. This may serve their own sertarian interests but does nothing to advance the wider interests of the party or the working class.

Moreover, it should be recognised that in a very real sense the left is now dominant in the party. The right has been marginalised, though it still clon in Parliament disproportionate to its party support.

welcome. general argupressed for in idenfuture which to allow the as the the Brighton not just but actually support.

Santos CMCOOKSON the or lue party of last autumn. right lost at Brighton deft has about the victor. necessary oppositionalism fight our IS lo Not the critical, not oppositionalist.

simple for overcoming fend capital.

community, conflicts of the moment. in numbers tles like LUSt VICTORY A KENT AREA Such extra-parliamentary activity is a key part of creating a new alliance for socialism but replace the 1945 one upon which the party has depended ever since. have been appealing to a contracting class base, when new class forces have been emerging: whether in the service, white collar and public sectors, or in the demands made by women.

We have to find a way both of rebuilding our traditional class base and integrating the groups which have grown in importance this past decade: women, black people, ecologists, for example.

That will also require a fresh look at policy. strategy, for instance, conditions in ine early which have altered dramatically as the econome ailu need to update it, racica, more specmic as to ororiues for public ownership, and also forideas mulating It mn sucn a way as to allow workers to campaign around it now tested and not simply to await the arrival of La parliamentary majority.

And, although feminism has made major progress women's rights are still seen as an opwaged find ourselves.) Values have DUSULLUU coherent plained it first market in distribution stand cold climate Wing. A something lines. a new historic boc to ultimately tain. article. polities' Tony The alternative economic originated deepened. making it more ElITe tional extra rather than shaping the whole thrust of policy. This is true of both employment policy and social policy, for example For it would be complacent to assume that the crisis into which the labour movement plunged in the early 1980s was pre-eminently the product of a power battle inside the party.

That battle took place when there had already been an erosion of support for socialist ideas and values Lavour s lent must tnererore give serious attention to the question of socialist vision. Har too often we have defined socialism in terms of being 'against capitalism or againsi policies'. (The battles currently bein‹ industrially over loca democracy are themselves indicators of the defensive position in which we And we have been found out by our own supporters. Socialism meant something then around 1945: nationalisation and the welfare state. But they certainly don't Know wilal It means now - - or to the suspicions the is the are prete bureaucratic connotations.

We have to re-present socialism as being fundamentally about transferr. ing power to those denied it, building current and future struggles around a vision of how socialist society might operate. John Ross exweek's Socialist Action: 'One based on the radical extension of democracy every sphere of life. - and that means foremost into capital's domination of society. Such a society require ane frue sehich is socialis sense both democratically planned and with many fields to ensure the of its goods and the meeting of its people's many needs. I is a society with a full and universa right of its citizens to vote — an enormous extension of democracy.

argue through theorising. recognise just now how much we need to get back to talking about socialis sals and ines of cretine mats chance popular support for Labour in a very One other point needs underlin new 'alliance for socialisn quite different from the 'anti-T'ratcher alliance' with which some t aro-communists seem to flirt from time to time.

There can be no alliance with the Alliance: no pre-election post-election coalitions. The Alliance seeks to displace Labour, completing a Thatcherite restructuring of British politics in which there would be two along American has to fight destroy socialism is to make progress in BriThat is not to say we must dismiss the political constituencies to which the Alliance has been appealing: for many of them are previous Labour supporters and could be won back by the kind of strategy suggested in this kut there be no compromise with the Liberals or SDP.

Meanwhile, it would enormously assist the cause of Labour's left Benn' helped establish a fresh agenda for joint ac tion and campaigning.

PETER HAIN is Vice-Chair of the Labour Co-ordinating Committee His book on Labour's future, The Democratic Alternative, was Next week regular contributor to Marxism Today, continues the discussion.

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