no right to form oppositions. But of course it is a question of the balance of forces. They are not in a position to exbel people openly.
There have been novements in the CGT Polish question for exalliDic organised a meeting in Paris attended by 2000 members of the CGT to hear owalewski, the exiled CaUC This opposition on Poland had a ational conference and 500 regional branches were representea. i was a minority, but a strong minority. It had berhaps 20 or 30 per cent.
It's finished now. But the new opBUSILIUlI olicy. A big part of it is the old Polish against the apposition, of course with new people. For example in this new opposition you nave old Stalinists who were against Solidarity.
But on the question of austerity they are furious at what the Communist Is aolng. members: 'OK on the question of Poland we disagree but on austerity we agree.' But nationally it's not organised, it's only local groupings.
Of course we try workers to link up and form national structures. We see this as a very imporant step to address the working class and to help form an alternative leadership. That is the central problem today.
Has the role of the Communist Party leadership helped to delay a fightback? The fact that you have the Communist Party in the government creates a lot of disarray. The Communist Party is in the government and the bourgeoisie is terrified.
They would prefer to be in the government themselves, not afraid of the Socialist Party. They are not afraid of the program of the Communist Party either.
What they are afraid of is the CP's links to the combative sections of the working class. With Communists in the government, Ine working waiting. For the first time we have representatives in the government.
Even during the government in 936 the communists refused to be in the government. It was only some years after the war that we had small participation of Comopposition - around ine They Solidarity austerity munists in the government.
to help these raine?
are unc WUIKCIS There work. them. so their revolt leaving.
There but they are nounces these areas Popular Front ple came.
Marchais policy The fact that now the two major areas? working class parties are in the government did sow confusion to a certain exWhat conclusions do you draw from quiet. the experience of the steel strike in LorI think what is happening in this area is a good indication of the whole political situation. On the one hand these people most under allalk. because 30,000 will be sacked. All this area will be smasnca cconomically.
Is no oler possibility of This is a struggle for life for has been very violent. The CP and SP are more and more discredited. Their members are was a public burning of membership cards. Even elected Communist mayors are leaving the CP.
Publicly the Communist Party desackings. the workers say, 'No, you are in solidarity with the government' The apparatus of these parties is talling apart in these people becoming politically desperate. They organised a national march on Paris — 50,000 peoThe fought dach day in their towns.
They want the police to come to fight. It is a way to show how they feel. In many towns all the state buildings have Mitterrand been burnt. In one town they even burned down the Socialist Party headquarters. None of the left politicians could have a meeting in this area. The socialist parliamentary representatives that split saramentary group, but not from the One day there was a general strike. Everything was closed. They blocked all the roads. They called it the Day of Death, the towns were dead. Not one car could enter any town in the region because of the barricades. The CP opposed the strike and the march tor a while but then said they supported it.
But they refused to widen the strike. They refused to call strikes in Paris so the people could greet the marchers as they arrived. In Paris there was only us 2000 workers greet steelworker's march. It was a deliberate of the Communist Party isolate the strike.
Is that pattern being repeated in other You have the nickel miners and construction workers and so on but they are totally isolated. Other sections are The level combativity uneven.
One example was a national strike of miners, 90 per cent were on strike. he workers said thev would lust continue until they won. But the Communist Party said no.
Have you been able to co-operate with opposition currents within the CP? There was a small revolutionary fraction inside the CP but three years ago they joined the Ligue. When these people understand that nev have been betrayed they want to build another organistion.
But the problem today is that there is nothing organised inside the Communist Party. The CP has no internal life. When people get disillusioned they just leave, or stop going to meetings.
The best place to unite with Communists who oppose their leadership is in the trade unions.
The Communist passive today, there are few posters on the walls, there are less and less people selling their Ther al C passive and that is why it is very difficult to organise opposition. © Direct Action — Australia. THE Committee and the Institute for Workers Control are running conference in Nottingham on 7/8 July in the campaign to defend the trade union political levy to the Labour Party. JOHN DENHAM, Chairperson of the LCC, explains the aims of the conference.
Parties have ralled to miners. Even the Labour leadership -with whatever reservations and hang ups about the wrong issues given clearer support than has been usual for industrial action. At such a time the links, political, between the party and the union movement seems deep and unchallenged.
is the exception rather than the rule. In more normal times union-Labour links are threatened both by external attacks and internal neglect.
The Tebbit-King much more than the Labour Party's finances. It is impossible to envisage real progress towards socialism through parliamentary socialism Westminster but has to be built in practice in the workplace, community and home. The role of the unions, as the organisations of people at work, will be crucial in achieving this aim. Unly b! having politically aware and effective organisation in workplaces can votes in the ballot box be change at work. If the ballots are lost and major unions end their organisational support for the Labour Party a vital channel for organising and getting our message across will be tremendously weakened.
The the pose such a threat, however, because the links between the Labour Party and the unions have been allowed to whither. In many local parties, union affiliation is low and participation even lower. (Too often, places merely provide an alternative route for activists to get onto the GC rather than reflecting deep union commitment.)
At national unions. the case for often not been argued for years. A few leaflets pointing out the similarity between union and Labour policy is a poor the political education that is needed. For many members, Labour rarly anilation is seen as power-broking by leaders with little explanation or in. vo vement of union members filiated unions. membership is not affiliated yet the cooperation and support of many of these unions will be When we should be gaining support the predominant trend seems to be towards the promotion of a less party political strategy for the trade union movement.
reversed and that the case for strong union-Labour ties is won throughout the movement. While paigns are essential vigorous locally based campaigns as well.
The Labour Co-ordinating nittee's Labour and Unions Charter i very
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THE RIGHT TO POLITICAL ACTION: