Demonstration against informer trials in Belfast THE COMMUNIST Party's exit from Francois Mitterrand's French politics. The last fifteen years have seen a major shift in the relation of forces in the French workers' movement away from the Communist Party and towards the Socialist Party. ALAN JONES looks at the long term aims of Francois Mitterrand's 'Eurosocialism'.
the shift in French working class politics that has taken place in the last fifteen years it is necessary to put it in an historical context.
until the mid-1970s the French communist tarly was the of the workine cass. had behind it the tremendof the PCF's role movement to the Nazi oc- in the i costalle cupation and of the Popular Front government of 1936. The PCF's post-war vote reached a peak of 25 per cent: It controlled easily the most powerful trade union federation in France the CGT.
In contrast the vote of pathetic five per cent.
Trace From 1958 onwards, when allosin relevance polarised OCLWCCI LIlc vote at the euro-election: Fell carity yee Socialist was well down on its level Party has gained a solid base ot sunport in years since 1969 has seen a the PCF and towards the Fi a dramatic damentally reversed by the Was marks a sharp turn in In order to appreciate just how fundamental is strength in two enormous Not support -1934-50 in ine period of the Popular Front and in June period Nazi Ger Tesslance Each of these years of growin corresponded to a period of alliance of major sections he Soviet on The the Soviet years 1934-36 were those of the Franco-Soviet 1941-45 the military mee allied 1 nose war OI 'against Germany.
National front' in each case had not the alliance of France with al LUSi Lne alliance with the USSR the policy was followed by de prepared to make tactical Moscow the base of support of the saw veil the second most important Ey. The SEC CCOONIC its closest ally in Europe.
arilalice will Kassa Communist Party leader Marchais Mitterrand alliance with West Geragainst the Soviet Within this scheme of politics there was no place either for a 'special' rela tion between France and weigh or he PC. USSR, nor the The shift in alliances required a shift in the internal structure of French politics itself. The axis required was to break the power of the PCF The ormed this necessary ro for French capitalism was Francois Mitterrand his Socialist Party.
The French capitalist parties could never have fundamentally cut into the working class support of he PCF. But th Party could and did Throughout his long tactical alliance with the PCF in the 1970s Mitterrand never had any doubts was the munists, not capitalism, mia were me rea enemv ne had to attack. The refor the PCF, slavish adherence to Moscow, in turn made it easy prey for Mitterrand's revamped Socialist Party.
Today Mitterrand has largely achieved the objectives he set himself. Only the tidying up operations remain — the most important being introducing a system COT proportional representation at the next elections. This will tree the Socialist Party from the neea to make any electora pact with the PCF. With that goal achieved Mitter rand can prepare the way alliances with The nature of Francois Mitterrand's government has always been totally misunderstood on the left in Europe - and by much of the French left. It was seen as a 'left' government, as some sort ot repeat, on a lesser scale, of the Popular Front of the 1930s. In fact Mitterrand from the very beginning was in the NOSI sense a direct • agent of French capitalism - in his effect on the workers movement the most successful president French capitalism has had since de Gaulle Indeed even de Gaulle never succeeded demoralising the workers movement, weakening the PCF, and creating an 11 •ci cent mascist racist vold The less miter her lessons Mitterrand's operation for the French working class are bitter noeed lessons fo Britain? Neil Kinnock's cuire suvic all strategy or the Labour Paret based on Mitterrand's Socialist Party.
Don't say you haven' been warned