'working of the class struggle.
in ty and to the state as an were be what class politics', every manifestations learn apply reformist the life and activity tion."
burner STARE of all the exploited and oppressed, on all issues, national and international, WOTa Marxism. 'represents the working class....in its gle relation to all classes of modern socieorganised political force. Hence, it follows that not only must Social Democrats (the name used for Marxists at the time — JR) not confine themselves exclusively to the economic struggle, but that they must not allow the organisation of economic exposures to become the predominant part of their activities. '5 Again in Lenin's words, 'Working class political consciousness cannot genuine political consciousness unless the workers are trained to res. pond to all cases of tyranny, oppression, violence, and abuse no matter is affected....The sciousness of the working masses canbe genuine class consciousness, unless the workers learn....to observe other social class in all the of tenetic ethical, and political life, unless they wallice • the the materialist estimate of all aspects of o1 all classes. groups of the populaIt also means, again in Lenin's will, 'never be dble to develop the political consciousness of the workers (to the level of Social Democratic (i.e. Marx- tionary ist) political consciousness) by keeping within the framework of the economic struggle, for framework is too narrow'?
The tendency to reduce the strugworking economic struggle was termed Lenin, 'Economism or "strikeism'. Instead of the supremacy of economic, Marxism asserts, Lenin's words, the primacy politics. "Politics must precedence over economics. To argue otherwise is to forget the ABC of Marxism."
give a classic, if terrible, lustration of the truth that even the most militant economic struggle by itself does not mean a break with bourgeois domination we the outbreak of the First World War.
Miners In the decade leading to August 1914, no section of the British working class waged a more militant and bitter struggle than the miners — a 'movement culminating in the general 1912. Violence, deaths, and military occupation of towns were habitual in these confrontations - which far exceeded the present miners strike in their violence.
Yet rapidly following the break of war in 1914, over 100,000 miners volunteered to fight 'for Britain' in the imperialist slaughter. The militant economic consciousness of even the most advanced sections of the working class had still left it under domination perialism, chauvinism and other reaccapitalist ideologies politics.
Today political domination that capital continues to be shown in combinations of militant economic struggle with support for the Malvinas war, the racism, sexism, and other reactionary tions. the breaks from all these positions, and in takes up 'all cases of tyranny, oppres of sion, violence and abuse no matter take what class is affected' does it attain real political consciousness and break with bourgeois domination.
dary Marx's words, is, chauvinism on posiOnly when the working class the tion of feature arising because, "The development of socialist sectarianism and that of the real working class movement always stand in inverse ratio to each other. In other words the more advanced g political current, the less sectarian it more backward a political force the more sectarian it is.
Militant's sectarianism is a product of its political backwardness -its capitulation to British imperialism. Militant is the most backward current of any significance falsely claiming to be Marxist in the whole of Europe, outside the Communist Parties. It is most adaptationist to im perialism, the most open in its rejecthe demands of the oppressed. It is a fitting comment on the