SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

Dr Death and the Labour Right

Socialist Action No. 70, 21 September 1984 · p. 2 of the scan · 954 words

The scan: 070-sep-21-1984-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

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page 2 of the scan

Labour's catastrophic fall in support in June 1983, contrary to the views press, was not a loss of votes to the Tory Party. Thatcher's support actually fell at the last election. The huge decline in the Labour vote, down to 28 per cent, was due for rebuilding Labour's support since.

ingstone, the GLC, and Liverpool council, was to rebuild Labour by fighting for the interests of its way to rebuild Labour's support on a long term basis. The results, contrary to the expectations and propaganda of the right, have been spec Despite an unparalleled campaign of police and on course for victory. The only forces able to Closest backers in vine FU Cow are Neil Kinnock's Despite continual press hysteria to the contrary there is no sign of even the frenzied camaign of the media being able to reduce Labour's support as a result of the miners strike. And i the NUM wins it is the beginning of the end for Maggie - and she knows it merely became the first city to win a victory over government our on secured a major electoral victory for Labour Finally in London Ken Livingstone's fight for the GLC, and the policies the council has purosition Labour has had in the capital, relative to In short the argument that 'left wing policies' that is. ones that defend rather than attack longer a discussion. It has been disproved by the spectacular electoral victories - in addition to still more important victories on the field of clothes', by moving to the right and adopting its policies In fact Labour really has stolen Alliances' policy clothes. The key step in the pro cess was started at last year's conference implications of that change in policy are now be The NEC's defence document, based on a major build up of conventional armaments spen ding, is in complete accord with the policies that have come out of the West European Union, and the EEC/NATO think tanks o document, Which The new economic policy document, tionalisation of privatised assets, not only gives Any reai proposal to reverse the econom france, Crak in Italy, onzales in Sparm, and In fact Kinnock is very ambitiously and rather consciously rebuliding Labour as a thorough go "Eurosocialist Tluenced by, Mitterrand and his supporters in Europe. And for that type of party, shown by Arthur Scargill, Ken LivA Arthur Scargill has kept the NUM solid The labour left has Photo: JOHN HARPIS Thatcher, but also drastically inOwen's policy of a 'social market' economy 'Thatcherism with a human face' as it has been aptly dubbed. It was a policy so right wing that even some of the faint hearts amongst the ranks of the SDP expressed their unease.

Labour NEC economic policy statement A Future that Works. JOHN ROSS looks at the connection between the two policies.

When the SDP was formed in March 1981 its nature gave rise to a rather nealca aebate on ine lent.

popular idea existed, which was eagerly put forward in the Fleet Street DICS alre Denever some wide sections of the lavour movelical Loat tod SDP was a 'middle class party'. Politically the SDP was supposed to represent the 'moderate centre sort of hankering for Gaitskell the type of 'Keynesian' economic policies pursued in Britain in the 1950s and 1960s.

This idea was rather ridiculous even in the first place. In an advanced capitalist country such as the 'middle classes' simply do not have the power to carry out such actions as creating a split from the Labour parparty with in portoral with electoral support of the SDP.

Secondly such a view of the SDP was not factually, true. The groups individuals On Thursday Roy Hattersley unveiled the new chief claim to fame is as architect of Edward Heath's Industrial Relations Act and who then went on to become chairperson of Prudential Assurance)

In short the SDP was no 'middle class party'. It was, and is, a party of big middle class, and at pre sent to some degree work. ing class, electorate. Once that nature is understood then the evolution of the SDP's policies under David Owen, the reasons for the tensions with the No of the interest the 1950s The produced by the SDP's economic advisers is explicitly recognised important step economic policy even by LUSI convinced supDULLES For example Samuel Brittan, the chief populariser of monetarism in Britain, has kept up dialogue with Meade through his influential weekly articles in the Financial Times. David owen has contributed directly the Thatcherite Institute for Economic Affairs. Christian Democrats under Kohl, Free Democrats under Genscher, on the one side and the Christian Social Union under Franz Joseph Struass on the other.

Pro-EEC the most Alliance is EEC party' The Liberals when the Conservative it. Roy of membership The attacked Thatcher earlier this year.

there internal Industry (CBI) has now LICCCOSIL the of the ficiency. was last by the been difto increase ment. within this framework which distinctly more pro-BEC, more in favour of infrastructural cconomic Investment, and more orientated to limited economic reflation, lowerH2 DIne exchange rate more collaboration with the UHOI ed competition than Thatcher's position.

All this has nothing to do with the 'middle classes'. hopelit debate the It is simply big capital the tramework considers acceptable. differences are not class ones, but they are differences withir the capitalist class sufficient to create two parties. Both involve an all out assault on the working class.

T l tersley's economic policy for rather quietly, tha damental change 10I Apart British Telecom makes privatised of the economic which leaves in fundocument is adopted then there major British pledged to undo the fundamental economic shifts

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