Socialist Action No. 71, 28 September 1984
The scan: 071-sep-28-1984-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
ACTION
THE LABOUR Party conference could not meet at a better time. Because this week can be the crucial one in the miners' strike. And a decisive one for Labour.
The choice the government now faces is brutal and simple. If the government is going to win the miners' strike it must win quickly. crucial question in the strike, the situation at the power stations, is now crystal clear.
Even Gavin Laird, general secretary of the AUEW, ex-
situation breakfast on Tuesday. power unions push on it they will stop scab coal being brought power stations and being used.
Laird's estimate from the AUEW reports, which
for Economic and the Guardian, the Sunday Times, and almost every other forecaster. are that power cuts would start in six to eight weeks. The Thatcher government must act rapidly or it has lost the strike.
This is why building up of a new escalation of Tory threats and attacks. ams to cal me out or the u right wing on its votes to support the
The momentum was built up on Monday night by Norman Tebbit urging the miners and TUC right to stand NUM'. and fight "the Scargill wing of the
The same policy was being carried through during the week by a high court action to declare the NUM
The
choice for
Labour
ballot.
Thatcher
with the NUM.
Because the
wing
brutally If the
into the industry?
identical to
Social Research,
independent Partv conterence
all the signs are
Thatcher's it, labour movement?
That choice is
SOCiALiSt
Kinnock
or Scargill
strike illegal unless the union calls a
The government's aim is obvious. It is trying to create a situation where, for the first time, it can use the courts against ine Num as a whole
Whether the government dares to embark on that course depends completely on whether it believes the TUC can break up any moves to solidarity
Because the government is offering Labour and the TUC the threat of a choice. Either force the NUM to accept defeat by agreeing to the proposals put by MacGregor or face a legal and industrial confrontation that will literally rival 1926.
For in reality we are back to the CUCUO DOSCO BOIL ALLIC DOSS of the strike. Is the labour movement with the eighty per cent of miners who have fought for their jobs and their
Or is it with the campaign of press hysteria and police violence to try to force the finest union in the labour movement into une ground no matter that this attack is made around rhetoric about a ballot?
Put in terms of this weeks' Labour
• the auestion 1s:
Labour with Neil Kinnock or is it with Arthur Scargill? With 'talking left and moving right', as Austen Mitchell rightly called the 'dream ticket' with the hundreds of thousands of workers who have been involved in the miners' strike, the solidarity with
and in sustaining that strike in the
particularly blunt over the NUM. But its reality arises every day. It came up over Liverpool, over the GLC, over rate capping
The choice for the Labour Party is to fight for its supporters, the labour
this country, or to
No. 71 28 September 1984 30p sabotage that movement.
Neil Kinnock or Arthur Scargill and the NUM - and what the two of them symbolise today to the mass of the working class in this country. That is the choice for Labour.
This week and every week.
PART
Photo: JOHN HARRIS
Page 2 scan of this page
New realism lives!
2
ACTiON
The left and the
conference
THE LEFT goes into the 1984 Conference of the Labour Party with the impetus of the miners strike behind it.
Liverpool, in Chesterfield, and in the GLC under its belt. With the 'new realist' strategy of the trade union right adopting a low profile at this year's TUC. The contrast with 1983 could hardly be greater.
Unfortunately, the gains at Conference will not reflect this situation. fall to Kinnock, who is in the process of shifting party policy openly to the right. On defence and on economic policy it is the right who have made the gains, and who will press home their advantage at Conference.
NATO. The economic policy document abandons any pledge even to renationalise hived off industries. Kinnock will, probably, also get through his proposals on reselection.
The last 12 months have shown two things; that the working class is not down and out as many people argued after the General Election, and that the 'dream ticket' is about reversing the policy and democratic gains of the last five years. But how could a right which has pressure on mess struggles for an ceed in making steps forward at this years'
The problem for the left is that it does not have the policies to answer the right and is not organised to pursue that fight effectively. In the ranks of the party activists have been fully involved in supporting the miners, privatisation and in the missiles. The development of black sections is a reinforcement of the party.
But the fight for Party policy to reflect these struggles is vital. The left must develop its answers to the right on the policy issues, or it will always lose the argument. The left also needs to organise its forces on a national level to deal with the right's ceaseless attacks.
The left must learn the lesson of the last year, and take steps to overcome these weaknesses in the months ahead. A major step in the right direction can be taken now - by getting Conference to call a national Labour Party demonstration in support отЕЛе miners. And economic policy and defence documents.
Turning the gains in the mass struggles into steps forward in policy, organising the left. These must be the watchwords in the party in the next year. Then the superb work done solidarity with the miners will be translated into a solid victory against Kinnock in the party.
Editor: ALAN FREEMAN Published weekly except two weeks in August and the iast week of December. signea arnicies by contourors do not necessarily represent Socialist Action's views.
Send ali correspondence regarding subscriptions, sales and receipts to Socialisi Action Distribution. 328 Upper Siree: London NI 2XP. (Tel: 01-359 8180)
Socialist Action 28 September 1984
With the victory in On policy the victories will
The defence document ties Labour
been under constant entire year sucCUL
defending Liverpool, opposing
struggle against the by fighting to reject the
in building These are expressed in
THE RHETORIC at this year's Labour Party conference will be dominated by the miners' strike. On the face of it the contrast between the situation last year and this year's conference could hardly greater.
general election defeat. The TUC congress had seen the 'new realist' right sweep to leadership. At the party conference the dream ticket rode in under the banner of unity — linking Kinnock firmly to those who had sabotaged Labour's election chances. This ear, after seven strike, the situation in the class struggle has been transformed. Endless declarations will be made ∞ or e ers the need to defend local democrac issues. But under the surface Kinnock, backed by the 'new realists' of last year, is taking the Labour leadership firmly to the right.
The role of the dream ticket in the miners' strike
one part support and nine parts demanding a ballot alt acnouncing 'violent picketing' has been a disgrace to the par. ty. The left seized the victory in Liverpool against
by Kinnock. Livingstone, fresh from GLC campaign triumphs, is not the type of image Kinnock is eager to project.
By Pat Hickey
1181 may
going to major
the activity tuencies, will be the
trade leaders,
the
the
mortal
ment.
The realist' strategy, 1UC in 1983. was kicked into touch in its initial form Thatcher WIlCI she insulted the TUC openly over GCHQ. The miners' strike then destroyed the that the working class was,
A PIECE
Listen! You're
not going to believe
this! I've just been
to the Job Centre
and...
Last year the movement was in the wake of the defeated and had shifted
these setbacks only i caused the new realists' to alter their aims. DEMO LASTICE tactics, Contrary 10L 10 their
'new realism' has away at all.
the the
passed The
lorier 834.
ing
Iran to the
state and full
the in
Walter such a The document goes on to argue that in-
of The AGTION
You've
• Are you kidding? Not a single vacancy!
poses
however
These
policies of
This line, most clearly
ple in
Athe • right wel
in their
tain. union with weakened to the Labour and
But I met the manager and he assured me that the economy is on
NUJ pickets at Warrington pragmatic adaptation to whatever anu-union laws the government of the day
adopt. they also seek a Labour Party with
it fit to govern in the eyes of the ruling class. least, fit to make a coalition with the Alliance.
Inese policies ing their
movement. We saw it in action over NGA dispute, and over GCHQ
with the offer of a no strike agreement. Indeed, no-strike agreements are now common-place.
'Good sense'
AUEW been com-
with employers.
armed glossy brochure containing
from major the
even one Employ-
fact TUC
79 states.
relationships with employers, particularly
new plants
Even
lead to unionisation the mend. Better days lie ahead!
News
Eric this shell: 'We what as it
considered strike! failure. always be agreement'.
is business that unionism
mem bership and
need for centrally organised link
wing are working in the
policies compie.
on defence, and so on.
the wings opporup with the
and aims defend
ment
either in the
•COŘMÄC
I understand He peered into your ear and exclaimed, "I can see the light at the end of the
tunnel"!
Page 3 scan of this page
want from Labour
In the Unions
strike
IAN MacGregor's hard line tactics as chair of the NCB look likely to explode in his face as the pit supervisors union, the National Association of Colliery Overmen, Deputies and Shotfirers, ballot on strike action.
It seems likely that the members will give the re. quired 66 per cent majority for action.
the NACODS were 10 sake l wolo b dramatic blow against the NCB. It would almost cer tainly mean iba: te scrk. ing STO NACODS not noted tT IE Mumz It worked throug Ie zs miners strikes, and nas made no attempt to support the present dispute.
Deputies must
NACODS' main complaint is that its members are being stopped pay when they refuse to cross pickel Ines. Some 3000 of their 17,000 members are ai present not oelng pala.
By Paul Dwyer
The reason for the NCB's hard line with the normally docile pit supervisors MacGregor's desparate attempt to shore up the almost non-existent 'back to work' movement.
If the pit supervisors retuse to cross S handse the lines with the wabs in ihe trikine eze.
Star := T.TI : me Tal
Je nave io stuúr to the union. If this жете
happen, strike
unlikely. This would be a mistake on NACODS part.
Their ,grievances with the Board are very similar to the NUMS. Thev are the closure programme, the lough management regime under MacGregor, a nd the NCB's
alLculols LUTC roughshod over the union.
By coming out with the miners they would hasten nieteeo enco. ane rid the industry of its pre
I! ibe CB were dezesi
Virirger :
LACODS couid pay heavy price such compromise later.
Party conference this week.
These resolutions must be supported
ference.
NEIL KINNOCK would be ill-advised to give the same speech on the miners' strike at the Labour Party conference as he gave to the TUC. Ac-
to the Sunday he's likely to be howled down by delegates who will be wanting total support for the NUM's battle to stop pit closures.
Labour
The miners' strike has peen ooie dora week
Tory government's plan for our industry is clear. They want to close all the pits in the so-called peripheral areas and invest in the 'profitable pits can eventually sell these super-pils orr to private in dustry. Their aim is to ravaloe ue coa rulstr in the long run
We want an expandin energy policy that does no substitute power or oi tor coal. We wani our industry to expand not Tul down order smash the National Union of Mineworkers. That what we are striking for and we expect the Labour Party leaders explain our case and defend our struggle. But what is their record on this issue?
The first time Neil Kinnock spoke up publicly in support of the miners was MOVES TO TIGHTEN the knot on the Tory
decisions in crucial miners. In South Wales, Yorkshire key power stations have given their backing.
Workers at Blyth, Fidders Ferry, Aberthaw Drax, Eggborough and Ferrybridge 'C' alone account for more third of the CEGB's coalfired capacity. Their deci sion to refuse fresh supplies of coal brings the day when the lights start going vul a zlalll suco lcalcI The Trent Valley poved tae most di ficu- as expected, the most to get support from. But other moves by the unions will reduce the significance
The GMBATL is pur==0=20:000sa
ICTE STOTE E. III-
= z
zeA UA senay di coai irom NotIinghamshire, and restricting oil burn to last year's levels.
For a national LP/TUC march
What miners
THE MINERS' strike will dominate the Labour
There are many emergency resolutions calling on the party to support the miners' struggle, in particular through calling a national Labour Party/TUC demonstration.
We asked NIGEL BEVAN, from Penrhiwceibe NUM, what he wanted to see coming out of con-
18 weeks into the strike at the Durham miners gala.
Before that Denis Healey and Neil Kinnock had concentrated a lot of energy on attacking, the Tories, but our union for its decision not to cal a ballot.
We've had to listen time and time again to the leader of the party de nouncino the violence of auers When you're in the front on picket.
line and the police start kicking your legs and other parts of your body deliberately trying 10 provoke VOll what do you do? Turn the other cheek? When has the working class ever won
ERL
THE PPT
Tighten the knot!
government gathered momentum this week with
power stations to back the the North East and
The coal-handling ne miser
able to keen check on coal coming in.
The policy needed is simFiddle's Ferry, Ieb Godt As the convenor win put it: 'We are not letting any more in'.
By Pat Hickey
These moves will massively increase the pressure Thatcher. She must now move to bring matters to a head.
IE Tar
«pina bacs dha pic tend that it is just a matter of sitting out the strike, until the miners are starved
Socialist Action 28 September 1984 3 anything without having to go out and fight the rul. ing class to get it?
What is needed from this Labour Party
CUl" ference • The end equivocation. NUM can't stand around waiting for a Labour government lo come lo power as nilnock advised us at the TUC Congress,
The party is supposed lo represent working people and when we take action to defend our jobs in line with trade union and Labour Party policy
we need active backing from the party. The Tories have spend billions of taxpayers money on generating eeltacn al elO. mously inflated costs, policing picket lines, losing taxes, losing produc. tion all for the sake of smashing the NUM.
With the Yorkshire NUM threatened with court action, now is the time for the labour movement to give the same kind of attention to the miners back. Now they have got to act.
As the Economist
not int ve hole ori thy
that the vehicle deteat will be either Mrs Thatcher or Mr MacGregor .. . Nor will defeat come at : the hands of the government's trade union laws or from some judge-enforce ballot which Mr Scargil will ignore. Instead defeat will come trom within the trade movement itself.
The implication of the Economist article is clear.
edged wearo Te Tile
edged weapon can delive: esough sun
XTE:
TOLLET.
TK " " try to blow up the developing solidarity by escalating the political stakes facing
cause.
The only way for working people to win against Thatcher is to be defiant. If that means a strike on this scale, with all the hardship it entails, thel naus AOww2V! to be. Party-TUC demonstratio * НОг in support of the miners! * All unions to implement TUC congress decisions on the miners strike now! * Organise local labour movement conferences to TUSCIN implementing TUC Congress decisions and extenulng solidarity with the miners!
* No TUC talks with the government or the NCF on the miners' strike! * Full TUC financial backing for the miners!
* For a 24 hour genera strike in support of th NUM! the TUC. After ASLEF, the health workers and the NGA, there is no room for
complacenc! about the
TUČ's potential for snat ching defeat from the jaws
of ihe Tuc talks with
The MacGregor aimed geting ACAS involved -are not a side-show. They the TUC is demanding fo e ce c its involvement.
There are plenty of C BIC - in the labour
eadershij Kinnock one — who are more kee to see the strike settled than to see the miners win
The next weeks will be crucial. If Thatche can up the stakes seca = Tar =: Ei de I
IE
IsT: Is irs:
'total suppor dematse. by congress policy
Page 4 scan of this page
4 Socialist Action.
Greenham
THOUSANDS OF WOMEN from all over Britain, Europe and New Zealand are arriving at Greenham during the 10 days protest against NATO war
'indigo' and main gates to blockade the base. Thatcher's policy of direct repression using the courts, eviction, prison and police intimidation has failed to break up the camp and the power of Greenham to mobilise masses of women.
Well known from the camp had been arrested prior to the action in the hope of keeping the 'ringleaders' out the way, but they paid their fines, contrary to normal policy.
On Sunday they were picked out of the crowds by police and charged with obstruction. Police horses
two years.
tional reform go to conference floor
force. They have all
the Labour women's committee.
women's demands.
the iniquity against and greater pressure.
The debate will Wednesday.
women's section of the NEC this campaign through daily light relief will be Wednesday night review. The review
ment are pretty thoroughly taken apart!
At a speak. She explained delighted to be
For women it is a long, long struggle.
28 September 1984
Police vs. women at
By Ilona Aranovsky, London Region CND (personal capacity)
On Saturday and Sunday thousands sat down at
were used for the first time at. Greenham on Sunday, with the deliberate intention OI intimidating and frightening us.
They walked through the blockade and were pivotted round to bodily push and shove aside, while foot police
Labour women will win!
THE LABOUR Women's Action Committee will continue to have a massive impact on conference this year, as it has over the last
This year the WAC resolutions for constitu-
with added been adopted by Labour women's conterence. and have the endorsement of
Eventually the NIAC will be forced to make some move to meet
While the trade union block vote can still be wheeled out to vote them down, the moral force of the argument goes from strength to strength. And
the clear views of the overwhelming majority of women in the party is applying greater
probably take place on
In addition to continuing this struggle WAC will be fighting for the slate that it supports for the
Women at conference wil be organised around
meetings, while the provided WAC's was one of ine nignlignis or tabour women's conterence this year, with women showing that left-wing, feminist politics are fun. Male atti udes in the labour moveShe on Mined might ott Dora Russell will invited and support the struggle, 4. despite age and illness making travel very difficult.
hauled at us from behind, at the risk of seriously inJuring women.
The blockade stopped many cars, if not US army vencies
Sunday was Labour Party London Day, with Jo Richardson and the bright yellow Labour Party campaign bus.
This weekend will be the culmination of the action with thousands more women expected De there!
For transport details ring London Region 01-388 1628 or London LP women's committee, 01-701 4760.
Women's events tO Helene
Monday 7pm WAC Lobster Pot
Women Will Win!' Dora Russell, Jo Richardson,
Women Uiccillalll.
Against Pit Closures, Frances Morrell, Diane Abbott.
Wednesday 5.30pm NAC/LARC New Clifton Hotel
WAC Satirical review: 'The Heroes: An Everday Tale of Labour Men.. (jointly with New Socialist)
Labour Women for Ireland, 'In Sisterhood and Solidarity' Gues House Association Rooms, 87a Coronation Street with Diane Abbott, Mandy Moore, Ex-Armagh prisoner.
In addition WAC will
be arranging a daily rendezyous point for
women delegates,
probably at lunch-time.
future of reselection.
tinue.
Superficially the choice will be between approval or rejection of the NEC's constitutional amendment which gives CLPs the op-
present reselection procedure
The NEC's proposal is that the selection conterence may be dispensed with. Instead the vote on the re-adoption of the situng Mr Is lo be taken either at several branch meetings at which none of the competing candidates ballot of all members. present, postal
Here would obligation either to call a meeting at which members would have the opportuniIy IO question the various candidates, or to circulate the candidates' stateme The
suggested new introduced proccuure, behind the smokescreen of
phoney extension franchise, would not just favour the readoption chances of the "sitting' MP but would ensure that the MP would cease to be accountable to the party ror the onlv rank and file body which is in a position
monitol the MPs parliamentary work - the
jeneral Committee of the
wole ose ne power to decide whether the MP is to be reselected.
The present real participation in the decision party members Ilakilg Parliamentary Labour exploited.
MAUREEN Women's Support
to women's organisations in the Labour Party. What have you learnt from the movement of women in support of the miners!
It has released women from their isolated role in the home into organising.
lone before. It's bringing them into contact with new aspects of politics.
Even if they have voted Labour before they've never been in direct contact with the Labour Par-
When they go demonstrations pickets they meet people with lett-wing views. making them aware of many
Women have begun to realise what the police really are and what they are used for by the government.
Women's confidence has grown Even the
women who tend to concentrate on food provision
and working in the canteen
Reselection - is
the tide turning?
By Vladimir Derer, Campaign for Labour Party Democracy PERHAPS the most important decision this year's Labour Party conference will have to make is on the
What is decided will show whether the party's drift away from socialism and democracy has been arrested or whether it will con-
Party, which has through the influence a General Committee can exercise on its MP, would be replaced by the illusion or parncipaton Inal Is so common bourgeois
The timing of the NEC's proposals is not ac cidental. he conservative elements within the party, always intent on removing the cancer of accountability, have been given their chance.
Neil Kinnock, whose victory owed so much to the support of the 'soft' left, has thrown in his lot with the right wing, leaving the former 'left' supporters bewildered. Their pathetic hope that they wil be able to intluence him has come to nothing.
What are the chances of success of this …пей centre-right coalition within une varly. Super-
reforms 1979-81 were achieved in the wake of the Labour government's defeat.
Trade unionists, including their leaders, were still highly critical of Tabour's record in ottice The NEC was still enraged at the way was then treated by the then party leaders over the manifesto.
CLPD's arguments in favour of democratic reforms were still widely accepted. Under these conditions it was relatively
Mining women fight on!
THE MOVEMENT of women in support of the miners has mushroomed in every pit area. It ha: tremendous significance for the NUM and the labour movement, showing how vital it is to reach out and organise all sections of the oppressed and
DOUGLASS from Hatfield Group spoke to VALERIE COULTAS about the movement and its relationship
to other workers. into a factory canteen talk can be just as horrifying as a public meetings.
We have a very small town here Doncaster, There's not of politica organisations.
We have 'Villag Labour Parties, so to speak. strong Labour Party women's section in this area There are a few individuals who are active in the Labour Party who are supporting the strike, but they are not involved in our group. don't have any experience women s seculous this reason.
The Labour Party locally doesn't have much vibrancy. can changed, but whether _or not women in the mining communities will involved after this strike can't say.
easy to win the vote on reselection 1979 and 1980. It was also relatively easy CLPD and the SocialisI Labour Victory to bring Loselici LCI left-wing organisations under the umbrella of the Rank and File Mobilising Committee and to the CLPD strateg
The result of this unprecedented cooperation was the setting up of the Electoral College by Wembley Conference in 1981.
No such favourable conditions exist today. Thatcher's anti-working class and anti-socia policies mean that most trade union leaders are prepared
anything the leadership parlamellary
up The fragile alliance of the lett has disintegrated.
The Bennite left and the ultra-left groups failed to appreciate that during a period of reaction a ditterent strategy is ap
previously achieved sateguaraed and the ground for further advance prepared.
CLPD's compliance with the conference deci-
It is certainly one of the main places they should be. would be very interesting for someone to come to our group and put tne case becoming active in the Labour Party
What problems i have vou confronted in organising as women.
Very early on in the strike we encountered a certain amount of sexism from the men. Incy sang songs and shouted slogans that were misutile lu wullich
'Get your tits out for the lads' was just one of them The depressing thing has been that a lot of
women I've come across
don't recognise these
News
sion on the register, imperalive i polical class struggle was to be carried
more ditticult conc'itions, was represented as an act of betrayal. (What respect do these "revolutionaries' show for bourgeois formalities!)
Much of the 'soft' left which originally, like CLPD prioritised democratic demands drifted towards the centre.
lights even engineered in the name of democracy needless to say 'acceptable' formulae for the demolition of institutions designed to secure accountability.
Yet the picture is not altogether grim. Even if most of the trade union leaders have already forgotten the argument malev were parrotule only yesterday, about the damaging effect OI Internal party conflicts over constitutional issues, the rank and TELe trade unionists have not.
watever 'deals' Neil Kinnock may have made with top leaders, indications at present are that these leaders' recommendations may be ignored by
trade union delegations at Blackpool. The executive committees
several trade unions have already rejected the NEC's proposal.
If conference follows their example, what needs to be thrown out is not only the present NEC's proposal, but also any resolutions which would give the NEC the chance to bring in a 'better' proposal next y cal
PHOTO. R YOUNG
slogans as oppressive to women.
Some do, but others sing along with the men. I find it quite disturbing. Our group decided to ban these slogans.
I spoke out about it at the Barnsley rally. That was my naivete at the time
I couldn't believe at first that such things didn't upset women.
Insular ideas do exist though, even when people are fighting such a political battle as the miners. Anti-black, anti-
woman prejudice doesn't questions to tackle all the are many
time. sometimes it's dit-
ficult to know where to
concentrate next.
Page 5 scan of this page
Britain out of Ireland!
STOP STRIP SEAR
International
TO COINCIDE WITH the 18 August demonstration, marking the 15th anniversary of British troops being sent into Ireland, TONY BENN has published a draft private member's bill on British withdrawal from Northern Ireland. him about his bill.
Tell me why you're introducing a parliamentary bill on British withdrawal from Northern Ireland, and what it's about.
I drafted the bill some time ago, based on the 1948
which Dro vided the legal cover for what was called a termination of jurisdiction. It was the only parallel I could think of.
The bill establishes clear intent to withdraw with a date - at the moment, not written in.
We've reached a new situation in attitudes 10 Ireland. The argument is not completely won, but opinion has shifted very substantially.
The bill is intended to focus people's minds on
British withdrawal.
would appear to me that the government preparing a move. I think Toe none or be decor prime minister has in mind wolfe ot would withdraw from the North if the Republic can be NATO. suaded to join
AMONG THE British delegation
Belfast on the weekend of Sean Downes'
death were more than
miners. JON LOVIBON collected reactions
during their visit.
Paul (Lancashire):
What hit me first was the
dereliction, and the
police and army
presence. was
unbelievable like
created ghetto, like War-
unionist worried about
the future of our country
should go Io Northern
Ireland should be
compelled to go. With
whai is happening in the
miners' strike with
growing unemployment,
inal Is tne rulure or our
country, the mainland,
NortICul
Ireland.
Wayne (South Yorks):
Every day they face the
enemy sureets.
Doors being kicked in by
soldiers and police. hev
throw bricks at the army
because they are terroris-
ed by them and because
they want to free Ireland.
It's their way of fighting
CAROL TURNER asked
That confirms the point that our prime motive for being there now is defensive, because united Ireland, with neutral constitution, would be a threat to NATO.
And it explains why the Americans, who have no love TOT • 160perialism, should still be supporting British policy.
think the cabinet would be prepared to drop their 'protection oI ine loyalists the South could relationship with the Eurobear octence svsicu.
Labour Party:
tion in Ireland is a soundly based movement.
long time,
an inettective. lovalist rumo.
ment.
I don't
from the nationalists
movement in the north and in the south. The primary reason
their members.
cemented into an integrationist position,
that the situation has got to end.
exist, like pretending
doesn't exist or pretending the
will your own views.
Miners visit Belfast
visiting
a dozen striking
back I'm ashamed to be British after what I've seen. The British army and the RUC are the agg-cosurs.
Guy (South Yorks):
When you watch telly at
it's the BONC always Catholics who're the ag-
the violent ALCOSUIS ones. bombs flying through the When you
air, and missiles, you don't see why. You don't see what's gone before o what happens after. people at home saw what we've seen here there'd be a reactor ake wiel Deo ple saw on TV that
picket being battered by riot police at Orgreave.
Arthur (South Yorks):
The very fact that she entrances to the advice centres and clubs are elec-
controlled
Do you think that would be adequate then?
No, don't misunderstand me. the Poll view of the Irish, they would simply be substituting American control of the whole of Ireland for British control of part.
Not that I'm another British politician with policy on Ireland, think that reunited neutral Ireland would give the Irish people as a whole LUCi Ical chance blems on the basis of pass tackling their own politics, not sectarian or British imperial politics. une success tionalist campaign in the North has shifted British public opinion. And the
Socialist Action asked Tony Benn if Northern Irish people should be allowed to join the British
I don't think the campaign for Labour representa-
We have had a Northern Ireland Labour Party for a
which was linked to the British party and a member of the Socialist International. It was
it had absolutelv no place in Irish politics and is an integrationist move-
personally believe there is a majority for it, and if there were it would be going absolutely the opposite way that we have to go. It would involve us more deeply in the affairs of Northern eno create arenate ls more comocie
and the socialists in the north. It would widen the gulf between the labour
the labour movement hasn't been able to shift is those trade unions who have membership in Northern Ireland. They don't want the border issue raised, because it divides
ana so you gel the unions whereas the political people in the CLPs see quite clearly
It Is an aberration. I know lere are peopie I left groups who. are in favour, but it is an illusion. It is pretending that the national question doesn't
the women's Gustion black question doesn't exist. You can't pretend that people's experience doesn't exist for political purposes just because those assumptions don't entirely fit in
SCULLY LOUIS LIVES SUIC impression of how these people have got to live.
And we were told "Don't go out on your owil ol you'll get your cards'
There's something wrong isn't there?
My deepest realisation is
we knee you see
know about atrocites being committed in Ireland, but we tend say It's miles away, it isn't our troule. It's very important realise the atrocities are being comin name.
Whether it be with our or COL. the very fact that we haven't TO Ware our wholesale objection has given our assent to these actions.
Ken (Lancashire):
As many trade unionists should come across as DOSSID E ANO people irom Sinn Fein should Come le Dillain lo
pee se what hes at dius.
saw things firsi hand, so now we know ll s irue You need only go over for a day.
miners' strike has had a big effect too
A lot of people, particularly the mining a cas name social their TV screens the police in riot gear going in against these 'criminas NOW they're seeing the same
thin happen to the in
Many people,
for years that what's hap pening in Ireland was preparation for similar police tactics in Britain. We are now clean. The see that very clearly. criminalisation of the min ing community has begun In tne meala and wrough government statements.
Will your bill be debated in parliament?
I want to make it absoluteIv clear that this type of legislation designed tocus public attention the practicalities of policies - not with a view to winning a parliamentary majority under the
Inal you would never do.
What will be the effect of this in the party? Will it put the pressure on?
I think it would. Take the Prevention of Terrorism Act. In the last couple of years Labour's front bench has spoken agains it. We have also had discussions on the national executive about the need
look at Ireland Ivi alich because the contradiction about maintaining the veto and working for tion is too glaring to make our policy credible.
A couple of years back you were calling for withdrawal followed by United Nations peacekeeping force. Is that still your view?
That the tory end deal
with argument that SEVEN OUT of sixteen resolutions to Labour Party conference call for it to disassociate itself publicly from strip searches and the sexual harassment of women prisoners.
Pressure for a hard op-
we'd like to get out but mere ose a blood-bath. My own candid opinion is
clear that we were going this would release a whole range of arguments and discussions within the whole of the Irish labour
I'm not wedded to the idea of UN peace. keeping force. But you've position line follows an appeal from the Labour Committee Ireland. Labour's national women's conference has already opposed strip searches.
The LCI will be seeking separate composites on this issue, on Diplock no-
Socialist Action 28 September 1984 got to find ways of dealing with the arguments that are put by those who are in favour of us remaining in
The purpose of my bill is to get away from a fixation on the problems of violent sectarian confrontation, the problem of feeling that if you keep up the violence you succeed in retaining the British jury courts (five resolutions) and on troop withdrawal (six resolutions). It will fight the three Militant sponsored resolutions calling for a Northern Ireland Labour Party, which are close to the nositions of g number of prominent right AUEW, GMBATU and
troops.
think that things would begin to change once it became clear thai an SAS or paramilitary in
Cole! triggered off simply b! driving the Catholic com munity in the North into desperation and violence - that you couldn't just defy that community and when they resisted, bring in more troops APEX who back the Labour Representation Committee's call for the British Labour Party organise in the North of
• See p10 for the LCI's
tringe meetings conference.
Page 6 scan of this page
Socialist Action THE PARTY LEADERSHIP evidently wants the NEC's defence statement to conference to achieve one thing: end the open season on defence and NATO within the party and put these great issues back where they are supposed to belong - in the hands of the 'experts' in the parliamentary leadership. They want to take defence politics' again inside the labour movement, the way Wilson managed to do after 1963.
To achieve this purpose, right-wing leaders like Denis Healey and Roy Hattersley have been persuaded to accept Pretty firm commitments by the NEC on unilateralism (minus what looks like
clever lawyer's escape Polaris). They have also been persuad-
accept all sorts of noble sentiments about non-provocative conventional defence. But at the same time, they have been offered a green light for creased spending on weapons, and an unconditional commitment to NATO.
Finally, they have no doubt been given a nod and a wink intended to convey roughtly the following: 'look, old boy, this is only an NEC statement. If the rank and file think they've
ron, then we'll have a quiet life for four years on defence, will go down and, who brew might be diluted in the manifesto
ad then it could turn out to have gone off with age, and we could flush it into the Thames from the Cabinet Office toilets if we manage to get into them after the elections.'
Polaris
Let us first itemise the commitments on nuclear weapons. Page 10 says: 'we are committed to remove cruise missiles and all other nuclear weapons from Britain.' Page emphasises Labour 'will remove any cruise missiles
British territory or. in waters'. The statement re-enforces this om page 21 by saying Labour is committed to the unconditional removal of
weapons and nuclear bases from British soil and British waters...These missile F1-11 bases nuclear missile submarine declares unambiguously, 'Labour will, on assuming office, immediately cancel the Trident programme.' It calls for the
of all NATO battlefield nuclear weapons and the reconversion of British weapons platforms to exdesively non-nuclear munitions, ding that the scrapping aakes 'must not be made conditional on "improving" NATO's conventional forces' (page 12)
All this is very positive and it is reenforced by a commitment that Labour
'will regularise the presence of the other US forces in Britain to ensure a physical British veto over the use
facilities in the interests of collective
security and in
NATO Treaty' (page 22).
Then we come to the formula on Polaris. On the face of it, the commit-
ment here seems firmer than the phrase
• the manifesto which
mould be thrown into the East-West
aegotiations on arms control and add-
ed that, within the life-time of a parlia-
aent Labour would go over to a non-
aclear defence policy.
The statement declares:
beeves that Polaris should be phased
successful international arms
acgotiations in the next few years.
this is not done, Labour will, on assum-
ing office, decommission Polaris from
service!' nagging
bese is this lapse into technical jargon at
the end with 'decommission from ser-
rice. Could this possibly mean, stop
Using with Polaris, but keep it in "is reserve'
28 September 1984
Vote
'out of conventional
really
knows? The
British and the base.' It adof battlefield
word like 'scrap'.
ambiguity
over the right on
of such
with the has not materialised.
said Polaris
anti-Labour
'Labour unequivocall
on beefing up strength in
There happy. der top secret con On the
Body lez.
time
was cleared up with a solid, Anglo-Saxon
But once this small, though vital,
over Polaris is cleared up, then the left and the unilateralist wing of the party can claim a real victory
the question of Healey's bombastic fer, threat after last year's conference that and the right would mobilise to overturn the unilateralist majority this time round
And if the NEC statement had confined itself to the issue of nuclear weapons, the left could have voted for it with both hands.
But of course, it doesn't and one of the main reasons why the parliamentary leadership is not trying to mobilise
opinion against the membershin on nucear weanons this time round is because of the rest of the in NEC statement. In the first place,
and unconditionally commits Labour to NATO and this to the political leadership of NATO Washington. And secondly, it pushes the door wide open for the next Labour of government to spend as much as it likes
Britain's conventional order to please Washington and keep the military brass
idae of moner, the docu
cat still pays lip service to the party's
defence speading to the same propor-
tion of GDP as those of 'our major European allies'. But it also — and this is the new point - makes clear that it is paying nothing more than lip service to this idea, by saying the following: "This could not be achieved in the life-time of a single parliament without major cuts in our conventional forces which we do not recommend. Our priority must be a mor-on this last senpole, the autors ing on this last sentence, authors can mean only one thing: 'We will spend as much as we like to beef up conventional forces what we promise on privated apon do provided we
Transparent
So the parliamentary leadership's hopes are transparent: they want to detatch those in the party whose sole concern is to remove nuclear weapons from Britain from the political left, which sees nuclear issues as part of a more basic struggle against the threat to the world posed by US militarism under four more years of Reagan. At the same
aN. they hope, isolating the anti-NATO left, they want to Washington that Britain under Labour will continue to be a loyal clientimperialist state while getting rid of its own nuclear weapons (which the US
never particularly fond
Now some people, including some of the authors of the ment itself, will say this is grossly unfair, and it is quite true number those WnO worked the document - such as Eric
Richardson, Mary Mike Gapes cannot described as in any sense porters of Reaganism, NATO itself.
And such people will point out, correctly that the statement makes against current US strategic plans and a number of important statements against some the aggressive schemes being cooked up by right here at the moment.
It points out the powerful trend
American ruling circles believes the US can fight and win a nuclear war (the stated vipu Weinberger). It points out the ag gressive character both Allied Command Europe's
Follow-On-Forces' deep into the Soviet rear and of the US army's current European fighting doctrine of AirLand Battle.
It points out that all these things
seen by the USSR as
political and military
strated " they are to be NATO's part,
presumably
such by us to. or are our American
ains
leaders In idiots blundering dark?
The authors also put forward all sorts ot nuclear free zone nuclear free provocative forms weapons and for Sive battle along the central front.
There is only
members the group have put their signature to document that ties us unconditional Iv to the American alliance. volves the American war does propose from a single tivities of NÅTO, that insists NATO is the only legitimate framework for efforts to change policy. the document there are some which Labour would pull out of the American alliance. reassure word in the text about moving Bri-
tain towards non-alignment.
behind vague talk about the need to end of
that a
HefKaldor
sup-
evel
the
that
of
strikes
war-
offensive
and seen as
pillasts
Europe for peoples freedom.
NATO just a bunch of
around in the
proposals for here or there, for burope, of conventional evidently defenand deployments
one problem with one. The Left working
that in us in full collaboration with
that we withdraw aspect the ac-
US There is not a single line il
suggesting that
There is not
The statement tries to cloud all this But instead SUSPECT
Kinno
defer
docu
the bloc system in Europe by suading both NATO and the Warsaw
dissolve themselves. Let us be clear what such
persuading Americans tht it is in their best interests to surrender their hegemony in Western
the sake of giving of Eastern Europe more
Why on earth should it be in the best interests of American capitalism to ridiculous to suggest, as the authors do western Europe? that somehow the US leadership will be brought round to such views by reasoned argument in the confidential atmosphere of the NATO Council. Challenging
Any serious reduction of US power in Europe would require a great struggle by the labour moyements and peace movements of Western Europe, openly challenging US policy all along the line. and presenting the US administration wiln a cnoice berween regaining the in itiative through negotiating sweeping force reductions with Moscow, seeking to subvert democratic liberties in its sphere to regain control, as was done in Greece in the 1960s.
If the document was serious about overcoming the bloc system in Europe, it would make the following demands: the removal of all US nuclear weapons not just from Britain but fron whole of Western Europe; and the removal of equal numbers of US and Soviet troops from the Central Front (as the Soviet Union has urged in the MBFR talks in Vienna for many years).
of this, the document declares "there is some strength in
U=RO% 45K
954 000ш
Page 7 scan of this page
ock's
ment
argument that NATO could imrove
apability on the Central Front' (page 2). In other words, the NEC is offerog to beef up the conventional pressure
exchange for removing nukes from be UK.
Somehow, somebody managed to we themelline signine the
statement: of... reductions in nuclear arsenals and
defensive deterrence
epends on whether they can initiate a political process of reducing tensions between the blocs.' This is absolutely right. The removal of nuclear weapons
Britain resistance to this or that new dangerous conventional military system does not n itself have any lasting significance in pulling the world back elocaust. Such positive steps must be art of a political struggle to defeat the polities behind the arms build-up.
Awful truth
And it is this political drive, deeply rooted in the social system of Britain nd the US, that the NEC does not vant to confront. It is frightened to tell he awful truth about this: that the hreat to our security comes Washington in the hands of and from a British establishment comnitted to appeasing Washington long the line; that these people are inolved in an aggressive drive to impose errible suffering on the Third World, a push the USSR towards a blow-out and to combat 'the enemy within'
• British labour movement: and that
e labour movement's struggle against
4.K
Conventona swuncance
policy
successful
from
tire policy of NATO's leadership.
out fear,
is the guarantee
gress,
hegemony in Western Europe.
from a
Reagan
all
— ie,
EKTATON
ARMS CONTRACTORS
NEGOTIATIONS,
1097HJERBLOCK
You Men Realize That We're in « Struggle to Preserve Our Entire
Stundard of Spending'
that
Party nuclear weapons must form part of an overall political struggle against the en- policy'
Instead of this, the NEC takes us,
into an Alice in Wonderland world where Washington
of our peace and security, where NATO can become our The great instrument for peace and pro-
where Washington can come to see the wisdom of giving up its most important international power base — its
battle
ARMED SERVICES COMMITTER MEMBERS
PMINISTRATION
PLANS FE
CONTROL URMS
Just as CND long ago recognised
unilateralism withdrawal from NATO, the Labour
must buttress its unilateralist commitment with an international policy that breaks with the NATO commitment. This will be a long battle, and it may begin with very small, largely negative victories such as the SOGAT idea 'we go along with NATO except where it conflicts with Labour Party
What we cannot accept is a sordid, self-defeating full support for NATO and for a con. ventional arms build-up in exchange for the removal of nukes from Britain.
NEC statement's logic is to turn Britain from being Reagan's nuclear battleship into his supply and com. munications base. This is not a socialist policy that the left can support. The
over defence inside the party
THE DEFENCE
Labour Party
against the document by
victory for the right.
vote for tory for the right.
My
keep silent.
we offer unlateral nuclear disarmament).
tant to jeopardise at this stage:
then after conference, open
best of intentions, understanding is at fault.
By Joy Hurcombe, Labour CND, personal capacity
If the
that the sections on
warm and at times inconsistent.
reduction negotiations' very
fice'.
The
bases
go and all US soldiers should leave.
regularised.
facilities would be meaningless.
argued Similarly,
Socialist Action 28 September 1984
Non-
nuclear
Nato a
deception
document, Defence and Security for Britain, will be presented to this week's
conference.
Delegates to conference will be confronted with a crisis. A vote
ment ference would be presented as a rejection of the commitment to get rid of nuclear weapons, which is contained in it. This would be a the
the document means that the Labour Party will NAHU be committed to a defence policy to increase military spending on conventional weapons and to a position of uncritical enthusiasm for NATO, which is, again, a vic-
argument is that there is ment. There is everything to lose if we 'friendly
Too often the left has been told to keep quiet so that 'we can at least hold onto the gains we have made • In unis case me bargalning chip is that we have won the party to
We are told that this is too impor-
'We that should accept what we can get and
up the debate again. This argument is being put by comrades who have the very
but their
needs.
defence document goes through without opposition, the very itiatives cause we support, namely unilateral nuclear disarmament will be the next in line for 're-definition'. In fact close examination of the document shows
getting rid of nuclear weapons and bases are luke-
Firstly there was a scramble to get the wording right on the commitment to get rid of Polaris. In the drafting committee, the phrase 'Labour will include Polaris in the nuclear arms
nearly got into the document instead of the words 'to decommission Polaris from service immediately on assuming of-
commitment to get rid of nuclear bases is nowhere spelt out in clear terms: lhere are indications thal the commitment is seen to include on- there
where nuclear weapons are presently sited. This will For include only those with Poseidon and Trident missiles and F1-11 airfields. We demanded that all US bases must
strategies,
Yet the document assumes that the US occupying army is here to stay mand,
presence other US forces in Britain will be
A British veto over the use of US
The weapons commitment to refuse Cruise and Trident is in the statement, but nowhere
ding the section on removing battlefield nuclear weapons is weak and contradictory. First we are told that we should work for a European
7 nuclear weapon-free zone then we are told that we will wait for NATO to withdraw all its nuclear battlefield weapons from Europe.
There is no time scale for this to take place but 'in the event of NATO failing to do this the British govern-
will remove all battlefield nuclear weapons from the British army and the RAF units in Germany' We have to oppose the weakness of
commitment to getting rid of nuclear weapons and base. and the support for continued membership of
But we must also oppose the way in which Labour's longstanding commitment to reduce military spending has also been thrown out.
In the document, there are long passages devoted to explaining how the front line in Germany will be strengthened with new conventional
and how this will be understood bi the USSR to be
and peaceful gesture'
Throughout the document the USSR is assumed to be the enemy (despite an attempt at balance in the foreword, written in by Tony Benn).
The draft composite resolution, put forward by all of the disarmament groups in the Labour Party. insists
the to reduce derence spenals Is sull Labour darl policy and that this must be a priority within the lifetime of the next Labour government. Without this, there will not be alternative jobs created for defnece and other and no further money avaialble for social
Delegates are therefore urged to support this composite and to oppose the defence document.
The policy we should support involves Britain taking independent in-
disarmament And why can't it? And while we are
why not remove British forces from Europe and really begin a new order in European affairs?
This is the real failure of the state. ment. It seeks to retain all of the existing trappings of the British military machine. Nuclear weapons are replaced by conventional weapons which are just as lethal as some battlefield nuclear weapons. The commitment to NATO and to nationalism surpasses the Tories. The Tories are criticised for introducing cuts in the NATO defensive conven tional forces in order to pay for Tri-
To appear radical, the document states that the Labour Party will press for NATO to become non-nuclear but
is again no timescale therefore this demand is meaningless.
NATO, nuclear alliance dominated by a nuclear power and committed to fighting with nuclear
to make such a change is well nigh impossible and therefore the Labour Party, in raising this as a de
being deceptive and dishonest to its supporters. • Reject the document and demand a socialist foreign policy • For the removal of all nuclear
• For withdrawal from NATO • For reductions in defence spen
• For peaceful strategies towards the USSR and for the withdrawal of all foreign troops and bases from this country and from Europe.
Page 8 scan of this page
Full support for illegal' councils
Dancing to the same old tune
THIRTY-ONE RESOLUTIONs 1o Labour Part!
conference tackle the attacks on local government.
Many support the stand of Liverpool council and
slam Neil Kinnoch's failure to do the same.
still whether or not to break the lan. Amongst these
councils prepared to break the law to defend local
jobs and services, i discussion on tactics still goes
champions the option of not living a rate.
He explained
strategy, hased on a unity between Labour councils
never seen before. allows councho 1o
return of central government funds to the hard-hil
inner city councils.
FOR THE first time, a decision has been taken by Labour-controlled councils throughout the country that they can no longer accommodate or comply with Tory legislation which means massive cuts.
There is general agreement that Labour councils won't make cuts in jobs or services the coming year. Ilal s a major step forward.
the past the Tories have always passed back to Labour councils the decisions whether we make cuts, put up the rates, or come to some olner compromise. Now everybody is saying: no, the responsibility lies with the Tory government.
We have three months
strait which will place that responsibility squarely the government. How do we do it?
16 capped Labour-controlled
HaVe said they won't appeal against the limit. If they did, the government has the right to step in and cut their budgets.
And those same authorities won't negotiate
IT IS A tragedy that
borders on farce that
successive 'lefts' with-
in the labour move-
ment have utterly failed to understand the
Labour among
youth.
This, and the fact
that they will support
radical socialist policies, seems to be a mystery unfathomable by the Labour left.
GRANT KEIR, Istington YS, argues that the current Labour left has to discuss how it is going to build support for its policies among young people.
NOT SINCE the days just prior to the Second World War have the conditions been more propitious EriC need more urgent — to build a campaigning stass. youth section TOT Labour.
Then Ine threat of war and fascism, mass unemployment, and the struggle organise
Socialist Action 28 September 1984
Local government debate
The hasic line of divide on local government is
TED KNIGHT, leader of Lambeth council
I0 CAROL TURNER that this
aroue for d
with the government individually either. We don't
the cake big enough — we want a big-
not a reorganisa-
The tactic that was necessary 101 Liverpool this year - - talking directly
longer valid next year.
Refusal
The government want to make their legislation credible by Labour councils forward negoulate. Our refusal is important
There is also a genera conclusion Labour authorities that,
CYCl they had the opportunity of raising rates (and, of course the rate-capped authorities haven't they have now reached the limit
rate increases. This appies baruculany to places such Manchester and Liverpool who have that option.
Compensating for Tory cuts would mean increases of 50 per cent plus. That not politically, socially or practically acceptable.
people we would be hitting are working class commumues, me I
masses of youth against
policies of the
government were the
backdrop for a massive
growth Labour's
youth organisation, then
called the Labour
League of Youth.
Its membership grew
to 150,000, and sales of
its monthly paper reach
ed 25,000. The 1938
membership has
been equalled.
The in the
Labour Party have
always had a consistent
attitude towards youth.
The 1924 Labour Party
set the tone which has
not changed through the
years.
It said the youth sec-
tions should 'be mainly
recreational and not too
much attention paid to
politics'.
Of course, when the
youth have voiced op-
position to this attitude,
the right have always
removed the velvet glove
to use the iron fist. 4 X-
pulsions and witch-
hunting are as old
youth sections them-
selves.
But the attitude of
the right is no surprise to
The left has to
every other direction by Tory cuts.
We are arguing for a return support
£3½ billion that's been taken away from London, not only could we main-
we could extend them and
the communities we represent.
Labour councils are
preparing their presently budgets for the coming
In Lambeth, we discussing with user
Our budget will be set over the next three months as a result of such consultations. It will be supported and defended by trade unionists and the community as well as Labour councillors.
FrOm January wards we are mounting a campaign government resources for How DaTeL We're saying it's impossible raise money locally to meet our needs. We'll take our campaign right to the point where the government will legally insist on the council sellilig a ralt.
Resources
Our argument is that if we set the rate, we can only set it within tne ment's terms. That means we cannot proviut lie ser vices require: the government's got 1o pro vide resources directly.
all points in this campaign we frankly that we don't wish the right to raise the rates. We've raised them as high as they can They already accommodate massive or cuts
Not setting rate is
campaign against witch-
hunts, from whatever
quarter they come. That
means demanding mon-
ey and political support
and
activities of the LPYS.
Yet the left at best of-
fers passive support.
Why is this?
The Bevanites in the
1950s never had
coherent suralery for
building support for
amongst
young people. But when
the right attacked, both
the Bevanites and the
demonstrating publicly that inis conncil prepared to comply with The seusalon shows the government and local people that we can not continue under the present legislation.
Ted Knight
We've next March as the date of confrontation because other councils throughout country will be taking the same steps tention is not to comply with the law
The results of the GLC by-elections are very good for Labour. The percentage support show a major vote of confidence in the campaign against abolition. We've seen an indication that local government, local services, local jobs and local democratic rights of key importance to working class people in this country.
I'm ot our campaign against Tory at-
first because many, many years of local
activity I've СОУС lC never such unity
among Labour authorit ies. Second, we haven't seen such unity with local government trade unions, Dennis Skinner shows the way on a YS march against YTS.
youth section were vic-
timised.
John Lawrence,
writing in 1952, describes
the effect this had en the
youth section:
"In this kind ot at-
mosphere it is not sur-
prising that a somewhat
exotic brand of pure
socialism has developed
in which the construction
of "socialist" program-
mes LaKe the
place of a mass campaign
agallist olyisin.
Today the policies of
the Labour left, as sum-
locally or nationally.
The ' JC recent y took an important decision to vane car covernicu fight. We must see that consolidated Labour Party conference.
The party and its leadership mitted to full support for whatever tactical decisions Labour-controlled COul cils and their trade union: have to take.
That means we want to see the parliamentary leadership openly supporting those councils who fight. Confirm
That the parliamentary leadership have to support us if we step outside the law to maintain jobs and services. We're still waiting for such support from
theMe want conference to
contirm that the return o a Labour government will
of cencce are restorallul tral government financial support to local authorities — and ine decision Wal any penalties imposed on a Labour immediately withdrawn and compensated for Labour government when it comes to office.
In other words. we need to know that we aren't going to face the same situation Clay Cross councillors faced, and that the LaDoll Parti prepared to withdraw retrospectively penalties imposed by this
Tory government.
• Next week Hilda Kean, leader of Hackney council,
she favours explains why setting a rate but making an illegal budget.
med up by figures such as
Benn, Livingstone
Scargill, are enormously
popular amongst youth.
Their opposition to
wars in the Malvinas and
Ireland, their support fol
workers' struggles, thei
championing of
eralism, opposition to
NATO, and the populal
way in which these issues
presented, attlall
young peopl to
socialism. Yet to anyon
familiar with the LPYS
of the 1980s, John
Lawrence's words of
10
CUTS
Dr DOLL some 30 years ago must have a familiar ring.
The left does not have a strategy to build itself amongst youth
Kinnockite established at last year's Come esc will not last The left and youth in the Labour Party will evitably be attacked
Te econome to correctly,
of the right and centre, , but lets the current LPYS leader-
News
NO
THE
CUTS
Dhoto, TEN STOMEP
ship get on with it' will utterly fail to build a key prop of support for its policies.
It is not a sectarian attack upon the, curren leadership of the LPYS to propose different ways in which it can be bull into a truly mass campaigning youth wing of Labour. • It is encumbani
the left of the Labour UDUl Party get down to this i task in serious and sober fashion.
Page 9 scan of this page
Surplus Value
LAST WEEKEND, tersley made a speech economic policy to the Socialist Economic Review conference.
made the front page lead of The
Times and the front page of the
Financial Times. The newspaper headlines 'Hattersley moves shift Labour on nationalisation' and 'Hattersley urges Labour rethink on nationalisation' told the story.
Roy Hattersley announced: '1 want to argue for an increase in social ownership. propose an extension tionalisation.' And that: 'A society in which a higher percentage of productive capacity is owned by the state is unlikely to be highly efficient or truly free.
A week before the speech Hattersley launched the new economic policy document future that works which spelt out the 'no major nationalisations' line. JOHN ROSS looks at the issues involved in Hattersley's arguments.
The particular ideas and policies being raised by Roy Hattersley and the Labour right to justify their new cconomic poncies snow Just now important somewhat obscure economic and theoretical polemics can be in influencing the forms of Labour Party policy.
The inspiration for the type arguments Hattersley advances today can be directly traced to one crucially important book on economic theory
Alec Nove's The Economics of Feasible Socialism. Nove's book in turn basically elaborates arguments which LOOK place among economists during the 1920s. various other popularisations of the sallic ideas, for example Hodgson's The Economy, add nothing substantially new to the debate.
"New thinking'
The theorists of the Labour Coordinating Committee, whose phrases Roy Hattersley picks up, might think they are engaging in some 'new thinking'. In fact, as Keynes once remarked, every 'practical' politician usually turns out to be the prisoner of the ideas of a long dead economist. What Hattersley had to say on the question of nationalisation simply basic errors much less vulgarly expressed by others before. Let us look at Hattersley's arguments starting from the basic features of a capitalist economy itself.
The contradictions of a capitalist economy can, in their fundamental features. be explained very simply. The demand for goods (or services) in any economy may be divided into two fundamental LYUCS Firstly which are consumed, or intended for consumpuon, In any form arallwhether it be food, cars, or guns intended for war. At this level whether these goods are consumed by dividuals or provided by the state is not crucial. The second category are goods intended for producing other goods — the 'means of production' in the terms usea in Clause 4 of the Labour Party constitution.
the mechanisms which determine the demana for the type of goods are completely different where the problems start. If foreign trade is excluded for the moment then it is relatively easy to regulate the demand for consumption goods - and to ensure that consumption goods are sold on the market.
The human social needs for food, clothes, hospitals, schools, entertainment and so on are for practical purposes unlimited. The sole limit what is actually bought of such goods and services is naving the money buy them. Any method creases une money avallable to buy such goods - whether it be cutting taxes, raising wages, increasing pensIons, launching hospital programmes - will sharply increase the demand for consumption goods.
Roy Hat-
on
It But I do not
of na-
NEC A of
Russian
The
Geoff Democratic
referred to as management'. they greatly
ment in history
goods Techniques
in- well known,
of time.
sions,
working class wages. however,
huge
which
again.
for their
ticularly well
objectives. on elementarv
demand for consumption which in-
spend the
building
low
Hattersley moves
to shift Labour
on nationalization
- the labor is soned by
Such means of increasing demand for goods in the economy are often
'Keynesian demand in realitv. however predate John Maynard Keynes and have been used by every revolutionary and reformist govern-
including the Bolsheviks in Russia, Castro in Cuba, Allende in Chile, Mitterrand in the first part of his government in France, and the FSLN in Nicaragua today. sions,
the
These economic techniques are
well established, and provenly effective over short periods tion
If tomorrow the British government increased old age pen-
national not wage, cut income tax on raised local government spending and embarked
school and hospital building programme there is no doubt that the economy would start to grow
There is no reason whatever why socialists cannot use such techniques
own purposes indeed every socialist regime in the world has. In fact such methods are par-
suited, over short periods of time, to pursuing socialist
economic theory, both Marxist and Keynesian, say that
goods will increase most effectively if you give the most money to those who will
greatest part of it. In other words the most effective means of 'reflation' of the economy is to concentrate on measures such as aiding
paid, pensioners, raising
THE
MONDAY SEPTEMBER 241984
A future
that works
Nationalisation
working class wages, increasing social spending etc.
The types of immediate policy pursued by the Bolsheviks after October 1917, or by Castro, or the first year of Allende's government, or the FSLN today do not merely aid the
most economically policies to pursue. All measures of this type, of increasing wages, or pen-
useful social spending should be supported 100 per cent.
But the problem for any policy of •Keynesian', or other reformist type is that, under capitalism, demand for
of producuon regulated by social need at all — nor is it regulated by individual consump-
regulated Capitalists invest, or fail to invest, not because society's needs have or have
been met, but depending on whether they make a profit or not.
Contradictions
This is where the contradictions of Keynesian economic policy mediately become evident in practice.
demand consumer goods, increasing public spending and so on will (where there are unused resources in the economy) produce a short term increase in output. But any sustained increase in output requires new investment - and the need for
investment increases nearer the economy approaches full employment and the limits of its existing productive capacity.
If investment does not take place then the result is raging inflation - as more and more money is pumped into the economy but the number of goods and services being produced does not
and socialism
increase (because investment and productive capacity is not increasing). This situation of rising, or ever uncontrollable, inflation is in practice the outcome Keynesian experiment found out in tound out in rrance. Any traditiona rational Keynesian policy is totally dependent
on the willingness of capitalists to invest. Capitalists, not socialist governments, have the decisive weight, and the whip hand, in that situation.
Reflation
not
There is of course a way out of this situation. invest in the way that is needed then the decision is simply taken out of their hands. 'reflation' of the economy can be carried through on an ongoing long term Oasis Put in its simplest terms, reduced to pure economics, that is exactly what the Bolsheviks in Russia did, Castro in Cuba im- FSLN is doing in
simply refused capital. They passed Firms or capitalists which complied with the needs of the economy in increasing investment, ticular needs of production and so on were left owning Those that did not had the decision the taken out of their hands - through
being nationalised Workers' control and inspection of production was introduced in the meantime to capitalists were and which were not complying Workers' ed into the firms that were taken
Socialist Action TIMES an end
tionalisation
social need.
alwavs taces
tively COLONEY
paths. disastrous
Chile, result is,
worse.
broken.
control every reformist ment as Allende Chile and Mitterand tralised If the capitalists refuse to
If this is done then the dustry,
workers' co-op
and
did, and the Nicaragua. All blackmail from simple laws
capital. output, decision Jalwares. their companes.
pressure of, criteria
its determine which bodies.
will tuese social neeas management was introduc-
28 September 1984
over — and many that weren't. The pattern was simple and universal. It broke the resistance and sabotage of the capitalist class
For nationalisation is not an end in itself. Nationalisation is a means to
that end in narrov economic terms, being the ability of society to control its entire economy
Without na. then the fundamental decisions on investment and production continue to be taken on an anarchic basis controlled by profit and not
Every programme of 'reflation' -and even the Bolsheviks did not start by nationalising everything on day one of the Russian revolution
al DOlI crucial choice. When capital will not invest it either objectively or subjec-
(or both) sabotages the Inflation mounts and economic disorder increases. There are then two paths — and only two
Blackmail
The first is that the 'socialist' government backs down before the blackmail of capital. This was the
on different scales, of the Wilson and Callaghan governments in Britain, of Allende in
of Mitterrand in France. The , at best, demoralisation of the working class and the rise of the radical and/or fascist right - as in Britain and France. If the development has gone further, as in Chile, the revenge of the capitalists will be far
in any case the surrender to capital inevitably ends in disaster.
The second choice is that when the resistance of the capitalists starts it is
The decisions are simply out of their hands (an event known as a socialist revolution for anyone who wants to consider it from a purely technical economic point o view!) And a capitalist who does not
investment, who does no control production, where decisions are taken not for his or her interests but for the needs of society, does not 'own' capital in any meaningful sense or lne word al all. Ivanonansanon 1s not a fetish, it is simply the sole means whereby society can control its own
Centralised
There is of course a considerable. and totally legitimate, economic argu
about how economy is to be run. The totally cen
of the type 111 -troduced into Stalinist Russia by the first Five Year Plan of 1929 is grotes. que both economically and politically
and the first person to violently condemn it, incidentally, was not the Labour right wing but Leon Trotsky. There is absolutely no reason why, either in theory or practice, there shold not be a place within a socialist
operatives, small personal firms, and even small scale capitalist production - indeed all are necessary and useful
But you cannot run the railways, or the electricity plants, or the car in-
For steel production Or a "small scale capitalist enterprise. "The _commor ownership of the means of produc tion, distribution and exchange', re mains the sole means whereby the basic large scale industry of society can be brought under its control. That is not dogma. It is just the truth.
And without it society remains subject to the most fundamental dic. tatorship of all — the dictatorship of
The dictatorship that every affecting unemployment, living conditions, health and work is decided not by criteria human need but by, or under the
criteria ot profit. Bi of the continuous 'extra parliamentary' dictates of capital and
constant violence towards the
health and minds of those who live on it. But Roy Hattersley is no socialist on that.
Which is why, finally, he's not even a democrat either.
Page 10 scan of this page
10 LESBIAN AND GAY oppression is the only oppression still respectable in the labour movement. That is why every socialist must support the fight led by the Labour Campaign for Gay Rights (LCGR) to get the issue debated at conference for the first time this year.
Ending the oppression of lesbians and gay men is a basic question of human and democratic rights. As such, a party which claims — as a socialist organisation - to represent all the oppressed has 111damental duty to take up this struggle.
But esbian and gay liberation MOIC than that: it is also a socialist
and has to issue in itselt. become an integrated part of the movement towards
society of freedom, justice and equality for all.
By Peter Purton, Ealing/Southall CLP
.. In every
* omen men face
prejudice
millions, fear is too great your workmates, neighbours, sons and daughters, mothers
life of MISCI Y the in-
To these
open
gay men, also the
ing of the move-
dare to be open about our
sexuality, there is the risk
of falling foul of the vast apparatus of laws used by
he police and courts to try to keep us off the streets.
or The brutal lawlesness
cops the
coalfields comes as no surprise to gay men like Jimi
canstas. Sohen i bor thispolic his
Soho for kissing
boyfriend or for the
clients of Earls Court pubs
deliberately entrapped by or drinkers are the Beil in the Met's police'
Kings Cross invaded by
van loads of the boys in
blue.
The cold reactionary
hostility of the state to civil
Socialist Action 28 September 1984 liberties is already familiar
Customs' bust on the Gays
Word community bookshop. April, and the Continue interception and confiscation of lesbian and gay literature on its way to Edinburgh's Lavender Menace book-
shop.
would require book in itself to list the infringements of the human
lesbians and gay men that have taken place already in 1984 alone. Yet what have we heard from
leaders on these VUl outrages? seems even when a Labour MP like Roger Thomas himself is tripped up by the law, ine great labour movement cannot shake itself up sufficiently denounce this indefensible persecunon
Every thinking socialist will know that these attacks are not without purpose. They are designed to drive us back into the closet so that we cannot be seen to challenge a whole system of social order which sees everything outside the traditional heterosexual family as perverted or unnatural.
It is in the interests of the state and of capitalism that women's place is understood to be in th
nome, that man's place is
family and breadwinner - and that lesbians and gays should not exist at all, because they don't fit this cosy picture.
It is in the interests of the class movement and all the oppressed to challenge and break up this oppressive social system.
It is in the interests of class moveLe Worke ment and all the oppressed to challenge and break up this oppressive Soca system.
Lesbians and gav men have already demonstrated their support for the miners with magnificent collections in London
pubs and clubs. ent one
abour movement begin to recognise its own
responsibilities: starting by taking debate Labour Party conference.
Gay
rights -
the
missing
debate
Lesbian and Găy Socialist - new issue out now.
Details from LGYS, 39 Cheppenham Rd., London W9.
Labour campaign for
Gardens Winter 2nd i Tuesday KEN
• GERALD
At conference
defend
Say.
th
gay rights
CLARE SHORT MPA KAUFMAN MP
SARAH ROELOFS
Vote for
By Mike Wongsam, Black Section Steering Committee, personal capacity. SURE to be one of the
inside the party.
The party leadership and front bench spokespersons in the PLP have found it irresistible to make pronouncements perore me pubnicalion the NEC working-party report. The Militant launched a campaign 01 vilification against the Black Section steering committee, labelling them 'self-seekers', 'careerists and characterising the movement as 'petit bourgeois deviation. These facts taken together with the extensive media 8 metress coveralt Uvel the past nine months, guarantees that this debate will one the highlights of the coming week
Yet the extent to which
of black question sections is less a matter of debate and more a matter of fact is quite apparent. Inside London most of the black sections have been formally recognised and have delegates onto their GMCs. The movement is now fi f process of breaking out of London and turning into a national phenomenon.
More people in the constituencies are being convinced of the case for
this year no col eighteen CLPs and two
resolutions have been submitted support of black sections with only one CLP resolution against. This compares to just three CLP resolutions last year.
Why then is it impor-
meetings
| Saturday
7pm Campaign Group
'Birthday Rally',
Pavillion Theatre.
Chair: Ken Cameron,
Arthur Scargill. Joar
Maynard, Tony Benn,
Dennis Skinner, Jo
Richardson, Eric
Clarke, Audrey Wise,
Ken Livingstone, Diane
Abbott, with
Grindthorpe Colliery
band.
Sunday
2 pm CPLD, Baronia.
Hall, Winter Gardens,
'Labour's recovery under
threat - defend
reselection'. Margeret
Beckett, Eric Clarke
(NUM), Diane Abbott,
Pat Olly.
6рт LPYS, Pavilliol Theatre, 'Young Miners
Rally'
Tony Benn, Dennis
Skinner.
7.30pm Brieting
Claremont Hotel, North
Promenade. "Target
Labour Government'.
Tony Benn, Ken
Livingstone, Betty
Heathfield, Diane
Abbott(WAC), Sharon
Atkins(Black section),
black sections!
noisiest and most impassioned debates at Labour Party conference this week is that on black sections. This is already clear from the ferocity of the preconference struggle
tant that Labour formally adopts a change m its col sitution allow for delegates from black sec tions onto GMCs, regional Lawoul Parties and the NEC?
There are two points here. The black communi-
Britain one of Labour's natural constituencies in elections. This point is proved repeatedly and was again emphasised during the last general election.
In the face of mass desertions of votes trom Labour the black community held firm with per cent of the black vote
to Labour. Yet despite this proven loyalty it was the Tories that made special errorts to court the black vote with a poster campaign.
This cynical manoeuvre was made for the purpose of allaying tears of infiltration of the Tory Party by hordes of known
racists. theless it snows now much importance winning black votes by th Tories as compared with Labour.
Moreover one will see the Alliance parties presenting tew token blacks election candidates so as to give the im. pression that they are colour blind. But the public has at least the impression that black people can get selected for posts both in side the parties and as can didates.
The Labour Party
Conference fringe
Kirsten
McDowell(Labour
movement lesbians).
Monday
12.30pm 'The
Belgrano'. Lounge of
New Clifton Hotel
North Promenade. With
Tam Dalyell, Jim Slater,
Martin Flannery.
Witchhunts, The
Lobster Pot, Market St.
With Ann Pettifor, Pat
Tuff, Ken Livingstone.
7.30pm Labour Herald.
Spanish Hall, Winter
Gardens. Tony Benn.
Arthur Scargill, Ken
Maynard, Ted Knight. Joan
Paul Boateng, Lil
Stevens, Matthew
Warburton.
8.30pm Black sections, Prince William room,
New Clifton Hotel.
Russell Profitt, Jo
Richardson, Diane
Abbott, Keith Vaz, , Mike
Cummins (BTUSM).
Tuesday
6.30pm Campaign
Against the Police Bill
Pembroke Hotel, , North
Promenade. 'Policing the
however notorious for
titude. Now that these
be stone red by the tor-
the eyes of the black com-
will be Blackpool. A vote against a rule change will be seen as a snub for black people.
There is another reason why a rule change has to b supported. Unless black sections elect their own delegates as of right ont all policy formulating bodies of the party from
NEC. then sons just bores sec. HOLS BuSi becomes Labour Party's own form of tokenism.
would give black members the right to organise independently, but no means of influenc. ing Darli decisions or policy
Therefore the black sections will become little more than useless as regards the mass of black people The essence of black sections is that they are a mechanism wheres the concerns of the black community can be brought to bear on the party,
This is why Kinnock nas very astutery laken til position of supporting black sections 'in principle' but being opposed to
rule change. This gives the appearance of giving way to the demands while preserving the status quo in reality. , It is a ruse to win over tue sell in tue party.
The left should beware this kind of astuteness or Kinnock's part - it is not only directed against black people.
I miners' strike'. Tony
Benn, Chris Khamis,
Louise Christian, Dave
Douglass, Greenham
Common speaker.
7.30pm Labour
Campaign for Gay
Rights, Winter Gardens.
Ken Livingstone, Clare
Gerald Kaufman,
Sarah Roelofs.
Wednesday
12.30pm London Labour
Briefing, Hackney and
Lewisham left, Claremont
Hotel. 'Fight rate-capping
- which option?' Ted
Knight, Hilda Kean.
5.30pm Labour
Committee on Ireland,
Lobster Pot. Sean
Redmond(IMETU), Tony
Benn, Peter Archer,
Armagh speaker
Also Muhammed Idrish
— details to be finalised.
Thursday
5.30pm Labour CND.
"The Euro-bomb and the
West European bloc
Joan Maynard, Tony
Benn, Ron Todd, Denzi
Davies, Gunter
• Minnerup.
Page 11 scan of this page
NEC elections
How
'left' is
Robin
Cook?
A NEW factor enters the choice of Labour's national executive this year whether to back former campaign ingstone.
Cook's manifesto follows an article he wrote
core is call make Walworth Road more efficient. This is all very well,
doesn't tell CLPS much about his policies all the more confusing
'left' candidate. Much as Kinnock stood for leader.
It is very easy to cash in on rank and file hostility to the bureaucracy - and
convenient way to obscure the politicat issue.
But his campaign is clarified by an odd state. ment of support from the
Co-ordinating Committee, from whose London office he ran Kinnock's leadership campaign.
By Alan Freeman
section. it says: 'The Sitting
this section have continued
Eric have secure
particular the other
t then
members
The LCC also recommends
organisa-
'LCC will
the and he ap-
mined Robin Cook has
political tinued party.
'On issues Robin has taken a lead on
Green politics in the party, and to the alternative and non-nuclear defence policy.
He is also a member of the LCC and has spoken
There is a slight problem here. here are seven places on the CLP section,
ICC is backing and the
- Diane Abbott -
eight candidates. Either it can't count, or i can't make its mind up, something hasn't been said.
Cook is
tempt onto the NEC. go? the left candidate got least
Audrey Wise
would represent?
tion number
cond, organisation
strengthen Kinnock's
powers NEC via
mittees' cabinet which in laVe become
No
campaign committee
Labour's
ciently on
into line Kinnock'
capital.
on which past unilateralist record been of campaign
Liaison beer
policy, towards
its
Cook's version
committed to increase
spending the It also pledges maintain
the British the Rhine make
plans to nuclear WeIr escalating
In Cook may COILE Is. But his with 'left'
mine
by the black section.
asked her to explain how she sees the campaign.
are neau
Lus
al c
HunDer ol
Dack mcmocis
Having black people on the NEC would serve two purposes. Firstly would the
symbolse wider black electorate that te parly really Is lakig them seriously. But secondly it would also help Party.
Unfortunately its
Lenieldous icance for the
arouncil people on the the party.
While Diane has gained
the party
said of Keith Vaz.
Undoubtedly one of
Labour
win more power
many similar issues to nose row black section.
WAC
Diane Abbott - why I am standing
DIANE ABBOTT is one of the Labour Women's Action Committee's candidates for the women's section of the NEC. Her campaign is also supported
The extent of support for Diane at conference next week will show whether or not the party has
organisation for women and blacks. Socialist Action
have repeatedly brought in employment practices.
this kind racism and deal with it as a matter ol urgency and I think it will better able to do so if black people are actually represented decision-making levels of the party.
In addition I want to be
Vote for Keith Vaz!
THE MOST striking fact about the NEC elections this year will be the emergence of black people as an
le Labour
Ending for cause the instituensoth these
counterposed to but on the contrary reinforced by, the struggles of other oppressed groups.
On the basis of WAC's support for Diane much of the rest orne forced behind her cam paign although with some dragging of feet from CLPD, the LCC and even the Campaign Group.
But Keith Vaz has not this support, although there is an equally strong case for at least one black candidate in the
against support for Keith
main
- aside from the excuse that it is 'too late' is that his campaign will threaten Audrey Wise in particular, by dividing th left vote. In the worst in stance IL might Robin Cook on in place of her.
ABDU
PAI
FORA FAIRER, BETTER BRITAIN
on the NEC to carry forward the campaign for black sections. think black sections will be imDullaill maximising black involvement in the party.
In a similar way I want to fight for the demands of
Women's Action Committee.
A Labour Party which ended against women and black people would stronger, enriched and more powerful movement.
But I want to say that
campaign around Keith Vaz is also impor tant. Keith Vaz was nominated in the CLP section of the NEC by • Richmond party, full support of the black SCCLIUL committee.
It has been argued that his campaign endangers the position of vulnerable
SuKe Richardson Audrey
case, but his campaign is
We apologise to Eric Heffer MP who was not included in the list for the CLP slate we published two weeks ago. We only printed six names, due to a
There are seven places for this section of the NEC and it has always been our intention to support Eric Heffer's campaign for the NEC.
As Diane Abbott points out elsewhere in this paper the way to avoid such apparent contradictions is for the lett to involve black groups in drawing up their slate next time.
But the truth is that Keith Vaz does not threaten Audrey Wise.
It is unimaginable that there exist a whole number
Socialist Action important for its symbolic value.
vears there must be no such argument, because the lett must take the initiative in involving black groups in drawing up the left slates in the first place. That way it could not even be argued that of constituencies where the political complexion is such that they would drop Audrey Wise in favour of Keith Vaz
Only a tiny number of CLPs will even consider voting for Keith Vaz, and one dit can these will be Ches can confidently
that have already grasped the issue of women's representation. Audrey Wise and Jo Richardson are most • Ikely to be lne last people that any CLP will drop favour Keith Vaz.
The vote for Keith Vaz is going to be very like the vote for Russell Profitt ir
Battersea reselection. In that case the solitary three votes. for Profitt could not be explained by the marginally better politics of Alf Dubbs. No will the similas vote for Keith Vaz - maybe half a dozen CLPs if he is lucky
the left's fear of the threat to Audrey Wise
It will quite simply reflect the continuing deep-rooted backwardnes on the black issue inside the Labour Party.
This has to be fought, and reversed by next year. The first step in that is for
28 September 1984 11 there is a conflict between supporting the left slate and supporting black candidates
I am fortunate that due Io wAls Inillanive cert is no such conflict in my case. But not reason for failing to support Keith Vaz. the left to explain why black people are entitled to
representative on the NEC including this year
whatever the left has already decided.
That's why the oniy position that the left can really take demonstrating that its support for black sections is not mere
1s to suppor Keith Vaz in place of Micheal Meacher. Now, not in a year or so's time.
The slates to support
Constituency section Tony Benn MP David Blunkett, leader Sheffield City Council Eric Heffer MP Jo Richardson MP Dennis Skinner MP Keith Vaz black section Audrey Wise Women's section Diane Abbott Westminster Clir Margaret Becket MP Joan Maynard MP Frances Morrell, leader ILEA Clare Short MP
Page 12 scan of this page
Miners of the world unite!
Labour's
London
triumph
THERE CAN have been few more embarrassing sights for years than the Conservative Party's John Gummer on television after last Thursday's GLC by-elections. The Tory Party's official line was the elections were 'stunt' would not appear on an 'election panel' with the Labour Party and the Alliance.
the elections so important that Gummer wanted to be on the television to talk about them. Therefore he agreed to be 'interviewed'.
Viewers were then treated une Gummer sitting at a table on one side ot the studio while refusing to walk ten vards SIl WILD Labour Party and SDP on
The whole pathetic performance then collapsed with the first remark of Bill Rogers of the SDP (of ail people!). He said that while the Tories claimed the eeccons wic a slulll. che whole world knew that * the ories had thought they could win they would have fought the elections like a shot.
Ken Livingstone hit the nail right on the head with his victory speech when he said: 'When we set out to win this by-election it was To demonste Unal government did not have a manualt abolish the . ons vative We won that when
Party refused to stand.'
In fact the opinion poll taken by sion showed the extent of Labour's gain. In a GLC election 61 per cent of the population said they would vote
Inland 6 months E8;
12 months L15
Over with the Post Office
SociAlist
ACTION
and therefore Gummer
However the reality is that the Tories considered
Labour. In a general elec-
tion 49 per cent. In other
words the 'extremist'
Labour GLC administra-
tion of Ken Livingstone
considerably
ular than the national
Labour Party.
This reality also dished
the attempt of the Alliance
Livingstone candidates.
slaughtered the
Lauvul
Alliance, and Livingstone
gained an immense
sonal triumph in winning
eighty per cent of the vote
against his Alliance oppo-
nent in Paddington.
The turn out wasn't a
high as Labour would
have liked - but that wa.
due low key press
coverage before polling.
Both the national and
London press tried to give
credibility to the Tories'
case that the elections were
irrelevant.
The by-elections were a
solid Labour success. And
a step forward in the cam-
save the GLC.
The next step is the cam-
paign to build a labour
movement conference
London to plan out the
fight to save the GLC.
SUBSCRIBE
For PO Box 50, London N1.
leaving 9 miners dead and 250 wounded. The National Union of Mineworkers accepted a last-minute pay offer from the Chamber of Mines. The workers demanded a 20 per cent wage increase; the bosses offered 12 per cent. Eventually a 14 per crease was agreed plus holiday pay.
In the past, migrant workers liane a on received a "travel bonus' when they took time off to go and visit their families in the distant 'homelands'.
Not all The striking miners, however,
western 10 areas, the miners were fighting not only for increased pay but also for union recognition. The so-called 'fracas' which the • referred to, was the battle between strikers and scabs who returned to work.
Special free book offer!
Take out a years inland subscription we will send you free one of these books: Thatcher and Friends by John Ross
Over our Dead Bodies Women Against the Bomb
Introductory offer for new readers: Eight issues for just £2!
Living quarters for 20 miners, Rand lease mine compound
South Africa:
THE FIRST LEGAL strike of black miners in South African history ended only 24 hours after it started,
She ponce were ced in, resulting in 250 people injured and 9 killed, accor
ling to official figure
By last Thursday, 8001 miners were still on strike
Hartebeesfontein mine.
As is usual in South Africa the unrest JulC management 'tribal animosity' and 'agitators'. This is a palpable lie.
The strikes were not tribal in origin but response to the low wage increases which go no way to meet the steep increases in the cost of living.
This year has seen a steep increase in the prices of basic necessities; the general sales tax has been *****
****** ***
soon.
Our plan for funds up to Christmas has received
good response far. For October our black sections pamphlet will be out
Parly ference, and our miners' school takes place on 20 October.
For November we're planning a rally with the Sandinistas during their
hiked to 10 per cent. anthoritie feared was a repetition of the 1982 strikes which volved 100,000 This the largest scale labour action to hit the e mining industry since most costly in miners' lives since the penheimer-owned Carle tonville mine in 1973.
Wages
The strikes in 1982 Are a w c the current ones. July customaril the month when the Chamber Mines announces wage increases.
On the wage issue, the workers two-fold. They want increases to compensate fol inflation • to keep their wages at the real value; and they want a new higher level of earnings
Fund drive: close to a deal!
WE ARE NOW very close to clinching the deal for the building of our choice. As soon as it's absolutely definite we'll need that quick injection of cash we talked about last week. So get ready to dig deep
tour. For December we plan a big Irish flavoured Christmas party. All • the money Ior luese projects will be counted towards the £10,000 that we need to hange office he whole of the pape staff be moving around the country in the next monta to work oul plans for reaching this
their present wages still being a pittance.
as today, the mine owners offered an in-
of about 12 per Creast
This means, fect, that the black mineworkers were being asked to accept a drop in their real incomes. The inflation level was running at 16 per cent.
Black mineworkers in South Africa are not onl
about wages. concerted
are also fighting for improved conditions work. While he is working in the mines, miner knows no freedom.
Unlike the factory workers who leave for home at 5pm, the miner is confined to living out the term of his contract in the compound.
These compounds are
single-sex complexsome of ine newer hostels • HIVIC spacious and have 16 men target. It's a big priority for us so we hope it will be for you too porters sens us 565 and sp- Huddersfield meone walked into the office this week with a f16 anonymous few more like that wouldn't go amiss. But it's the big donations that can really going.
With T4L UN the welcome return of the paper to weekly schermle and a the opportunities we are having for new sales in the miners' dispute, we're go-
per room, it is not uncom mon to find 20 men crowd-
In order to keep the miners divided, rooms and sections of the compounds are divided 'ethnically'. The very structure • 0 IT compounds is built in expectation of unrest. Mos have tightlyconnored eterne
The newer ones are built so that sections car be sealed off if necessary. At the slightest provocation the police are called in
'restore order' The police form a substantial part of management's in-
Black miners in South Africa live in an environment whose oppressiveness is total. By organising in the National Union of Mineworkers, they have taken the first necessary step to arm themselves for the mgnts waich sulli ahead. ing to start organising the fund drive regularly through this column, keeping you completely up
date with plans and developments.
The Financial Times recognised that Socialist Action were right behind
other left papers were carping or the sidelines.
Give us the backing we need keet righ every mass struggle against behind the NUM this rotten government.
← Socialist Action No. 70, 21 September 1984Socialist Action No. 72, 5 October 1984 →