was establishing itself arliamentary wing of the trade union hovement. Voting The fall in TUC union membership f the party reflected itself electorally po. In voted Labour cent of trade inionists 974 this had fallen to 55 per 979 to 51 per cent, and by 1983 to 39 984 Found a recovery to 48 per cent, cent (a MORI poll in ut one not sufficient to reverse this ong-term trend). If the actual numbers of trade unionists voting Labour over his period is taken, the picture is quite tark: between 1964 umber dropped by two million while he number of TUC members rose by wo million (see Table 2).
In addition, closer inspection of the the Only during mass action as a serious option.
Thatcherism's by October Collec Post September activitv of their union.
they were doing so, Teasoll 1983 the local parties. volved in their unions' political role crisis periods (such 1970-74) would the trade union leadership see more overtly political forms of instinct that the Labour connection with the unions was vulnerable is underlined by evidence win that rank and file trade union support for the party is much weaker than Is filiation often assumed by those active in the labour movement. For instance, a 1974 study of a major union, the Union of Communication)
Workers, showed massive member ignorance and disinterest in the political Only half of those paying the political levy realised and there is no suppose inal inis was unLy Ad of hally tens have become less influential and less active within partly demographic problem: unions with the to it, there could well be a differentially higher turnout of those favouring the link with Labour, since those who do feel strongly against, apathetic, may not bother.
Second the MORI poll recorded views before any active campaign to the argument. members, the merits of the case for afLabour have still to argued. Additionally, when it is shown that having a political fund is essential ponlica representation union members' interests in parliament and when it is understood that public financed out of general funds could be illegal, the chances of winning a majority should improve.
The detailed breakdown for the affiliated unions surveyed by the MORI poll shows some interesting results. At the time the survey was conducted (spring 1984), the unions most likely to remain affiliated were the miners, communication workers and electricians.
Wing week, a statutory minimum wage and advancing amongst the questions that should all al C be raised in an union members that their votes in the ballots are as much about defending their interests as fighting for alternative government policies. be been confined mainly to levels in the labour movement. On i August, OI met jointly with leaders of affiliated unions. The consensus there favoured a *rolling campaign' unions most likely to succeed starting first in order momentum for the rest. The meeting agreed to set up a special coordinating group with a full-time campaign unit and a budget of £150,000.
They also Bill Keys of SOGAT 82 which argues that 'the campaigns should not be run rights attempt to persuade So far, discussion over strategy has leadership Labour's national executive with to create a winning accepted a paper fron The will bet manior Labour Moi Delegates are invited from trade unions and local Labour Partie Campaign Conference Speakers: Doc Ist JEAN MOCRINDLE TOM SAWYER MICK MOGAHEY ROBIN COOK KEN LIVINGSTONE
Socialist Action 9 November 1984
----- pull-quotes -----
Socialist Action 9 November 1984 FUNDS