One 'broad left'? ature Labour Party policy. These conistently stress that it is urgent for abour to explicitly support omes policy and that a direct goal of ach a policy must be to increase proThus in the 7 December issue of New Statesman Doug Jones, economic stant to Koy Hattersley, writes: At nt relatively high levels of proability are probably necessary red incomes policy would certainly in that direction.' Jones however en goes on to pose the 'problem' that by should workers want to help build rofits rather than bolster their wages.' une On the political level orientation of de New Statesman to an alliance, with ditical representatives of capital, and -crore me clearest Dasis or Is congence with Marxism Today, It out at the June 1983 election. Here * New Statesman called for 'the hope an election result leading to an anti*fcher conition.' and urged a vote * Liberal or Scottish National Party adidates, not icific constituencies.
The same line was expressed followarguing, 'the erally, in the final days of the eleccould have favoured the strategy • 'popular front' of peace and anticher ferces.
But if the basis for the alliance beten Marxism Today and the New an inof with an alliance with capital.
Marxism be in vain?
LCC on a misunderslanulng.
capital namely They contrary Peter was against any SDP/Liberals, states explicitly sections of canital ... wrong to see the CBI leadership. situation, La radical industrial strategy those reeling from the appear to be a contradiction concerning the LCC. The latter organisation is today quite explicitly against an aliance the SDP-Liberals.
Therefore, it might appear, the LCC does not fit within a framework seeking Perhaps Today's wooing is likely to But such an analysis would be based The LCC's spokespersons are against an alliance with specific political representatives of SDP-Liberal are not against an alliance with sections of capital as such. On the Hain his The vemocran Ahernative, willle argullg with Labour's strategy is dependent on winning the support of significant it would be whole capitalist system as engaged in a gigantic conContradictions and conflicts run through our system, as is clear from the twists and turns of the It is by no means automatic that would immediately face complete hostility from all manufacturers, especially effects of severe and prolonged deflation. It might also be possible to win the publically criticised Neil Kinnock for his failure to do so. Hain has also criticised Kinnock's explicit with the right wing on the NEC and inside the parliamentary party. Hain has instead proposed an alternative series of alliances.
Writing in the New Statesman of 23 November, under the title 'What's Neil up to!' Hain writes:
'He (Kinnock) now needs close links with leaders of the Transport and General Workers the National Railwayworkers — who with others constitute a powerful new trade union left. He cannot continue to rely on the centre-right of the NEC to the exclusion of potential wing allies lies Michael Meacher, Tom Sawyer and David Blunkett.' Notable in this list however are the absences. Among the list of trade union allies was not included the NUM - nor its representative Eric Clarke. the NEC allies were not included Tony Benn, Dennis Skinner, Joan Maynard, Audrey Wise or Eric Heffer — who are among the most notable leaders of the quivocable supporters of the miners' In short while Kellner calls for the Bennite left to crushed by open assault. Hain argues for it to be marginalised by the formation of a new 'inside left' support of progressive sections of some small business la avello cooperatives, sections of the civil service and public secto managers. (page 73, our emphasis)
LCC supporter Geoff Hodgson, in his Labour at the Crossroads and other alliance. The methods are totally different - and we Hain's politics with Kellner's — but the goal, the weakening or destruction of what used to be termed the 'Bennite left' is the same.
The Communist Party side of this "broad left' current was explained by Marxism Today editor Martin Jacques in his November report to the CP exNUPE ecutive. Analysing the situation at the noted, 'One of the things that struck me forcibly different angles, the role of the Party (the Communist Party : lett- context.
•Firstly, negatively speaking, there was the weakness, or virtual absence indeed in many fringe activities (which of a petunal Labour Party conference) of a broad Among left position in respect moralistic/ideological leftism (the 'fundamentalist' carnet, the Labour Party remains very weak, and essentially a pragmatic rather than ULIC worked out, ani nos ibity significant sectore an significant capital.
It is this analysis of course which gives to Marxism Today the whip hand in any discussion within the self styled 'broad left'. For Hain's position just amounts to a form of inconsistent ultra-left syndicalism.
"small cooperatives, vice' etc — who are merely secondary issues - then if it is necessary to form an alliance with sections of capital, indeed if 'Labour's strategy is dependent on winning the support of significant sections of capital propose such an alliance solely in the economic sphere and refuse to enter into an alliance, a coalition if you like, with the political representatives capital.
Martin Jacques is entirely correct. The LCC/Kinnock's position in the so called 'broad left', its opposition to any deal with the SDP-Liberal Alliance is purely pragmatic nock's in essence. This is precisely why the Kinnockite's opposition could col• lapse at any fundamental setback for his current project Labour defeat at the next election Marxism Today's orientation tions of capital' on the contrary theoretically grounder repared to draw out all the implica tions — as opposed to the relative eclecHain/Kinnock. precisely why despite the fact that it is would not equate Left seeing is, somewhere else, left, munist Party.' ter forces, • was, from a number of - JR) in this importance to a are the terms therefore assigns damentalist to the Ing JR) described or the right. The broad left in theoretically based movement Leave aside a business owners, sections of the civil servehemently who poses that with capital.
, it is ridiculous to talists' is not of alliances as is Neil Kin.
reference - a setback such as project of an Morning 'significant sec claim is reference.
This against capital. caries of the far lett. the Communis Party and the Labour Party'.
According to Campbell what we are 'another alliance happening between the old Trot skyist far left, the Labour Party hard and sectarians within the ComCampbell argues that for these lat"the very idea of alliances confuses and disturbs them.' Campbell is indeed right on one issue, the question of choice of socia alliances is at the very core of the present recomposition in the labour move. ment - perhaps its most central point. But Campbell gets totally wrong what of the debate the so called 'fun- allu pro-Morning Star groupwithin the Communist Party to quite the wrong 'camp' However bi examining the issue of social alliances we can outline very clearly the real lines of divide on the left and in the labour the LCC/Kinnock/broad left' of the Labour Party that has the forces it is actually Marxism Today which has the political edge in the entire current.
Finally, therefore, we may see what is the real nature of this entire broad left' current. The social alliance it proposes is one with significant sections of capital itself. It differs - and they are genuine tactical differences — simply on the terms, and with which sectors of capital, such an alliance should be constructed. Its opposition, naturally, is directed against anyone alternative alliance to It is also clear why the Morning Star has no place within those forces which constitute what Marxism Today choses to call the 'fundamentalist left'. For the of the position of 'fundamen that thes reject social that lunatic positions reserved for a few ultra-left sectarians The core of the coherent fundamentalist' position is that they propose an alliance of the exploited and oppressed independent of, and against, capital.
The Morning Star belongs with the camp of Marxism Today in the final analysis - and their common point of in the Seventh, Stalin/Dimotroy Congress of the Comintern. Both Marxism Today and the Star in fact quite explicitly as their key As to the real core of an alternative position that has its origin in a com. pletely different tradition - that of an alliance of the oppressed and exploited
Socialist Action 14 December 1984 the developsemi-colonial These struggles, like the British
----- pull-quotes -----
g the election by EP Thompson in a Prote article in the New Statesman
*PLUS: Peter Hain on Neil Kinnock • Warnock report • Ngugi's play • Sport