James Connolv exp ained that in 1916, it's not something that has been discovered last week. that at different stages over the last ten years Sinn Fein has been on and off that track. The problem is that national sovereignty and working class rights are iwo sides of the same coin.
Historically in the republican ment there have been three main components in ascendency: you've had the.
wake of the th. the North.
Northern-based struggle.
of the country in the South.
fightback in terms of I''s true to say State Parties Fianna DOuC OC on whole. That movehunger strike primarily because the sinn rei organisation in the South had seen itself basically as a support group for the struggle in NorThey were hypnotised by events in England's frightened But the struggle in Ireland is not a The struggle in Ireland has a number of different facets. But key to the whole liberation the social economic struggle that has to take place It is necessary, firstly, to begin the working class rights and, linked to that, to begin to expose the role that's played by the Free - primarily Fine Gael and in the physical geographical occupation of the North of Ireland — and in the economic and Not reland struggle obviously employs different tactics to the struggle the in the North. But it is just as important.
You don't have to be a political forces it can muster, in terms of troops aciliust alion. being guarantee. When James Prior says he's frightened of a Cuba style Republic on doorstep he's not behalf of English capitalism, he's frightened on behalf of Irish capitalism as well.
So we need to get out and weaken those classes now. Sinn Fein has part to play in that. But we recognise that Sinn Fein are not going to be the revolutionary party in isolation from other forces in the South.
On what class or class does Sinn Fein base its struggle!
The working class and small farmers. Our policies will not be appreciated by large ranchers. The longterm resolution of the conflict in reland has got to be based on a Socialist Republic very, very small Free State Labour Party, which is currently in coalition with their Fine Gael - an right-wing party. A small section of the trade union movement is affiliated to only this Labour Party and a smaller still section vote for it.
In the EEC election Sinn Fein won over 50.000 more votes than this so called Labour Party. election in Dublin Central, and despite all of the restrictions on Sinn Fein, our candidate beat the Labour Party into fifth place.
Again, two months Gaeltoch - that is the Irish speaking area — we again beat the Labour Party into third place.
The reality is that the Labour Party is a Labour Party in name only. politics, its programme, orientation is towards the terests in Fianna Fail and Fine Gael and it has shared office with both of these parties. For example, the Abortion amultra-conservative For should not Labour Party.
We contested an ago in the neutral Scargill courageously, its whole capitalist inwill take place in the South' All of this cannot go unheeded bs the trade union movement. It is not a question of us saying the unions should be affiliated to the The reality of it is that wiet tree are caesius doodesso — and we'll leave aside national op. pression for the moment - but when there is institutionalised oppression the movement cannot be The trade union movement in the South is trying to be neutral. As Arthur demonstrating- fairly the defence of your members does not begin and end wher they clock on and off. The defence ol your members means the defence of member: and the trade movement by affiliating to the Labour Party are abdicating that responsibilileadership"
We are for disaffiliation from the Irish Labour Party. But it's not a matter of us having the audacity to say the unions should disassociate themselves from the so-called Labour Party and associate with Sinn Fein. That isn't the question that is posed.
The question is: 'when will the bastion of working class rights that the trade union movement is supposed to be exert its right and its responsibility to defend its members?' We are not mobilising as an alterutionary for example the struggle for women's rights in the South, will replace other sections. The Labour Party replaced by a number of different things.
There is need for politicised sections of the trade union movement to raise the standard of struggle within their own organisations. against the division political wing' — the Labour Party -and the trade union activity. He argued the trade union movement is a political liberation vehicle. So we need to say to people both internally in Sinn Fein and will be externalv that. weak the trade union movement has become, it is their vehicle struggle has to be fought. It's having some limited success.
Connolly was trade unions are quite different between 'the ween Ireland and England. In England acceptable left right be re then ens. or peo.
the receiving system, members them..
people • 100,000 ridiculous.
withdrawal. either.
like it.
Balance Fein TD of republican irrespective of how that's where you should be, that's where the But the conditions for work in the to organise end of Socialist Action There is now a very small organisation called trade umonists Io1 National Consciousness. We aim, not only to expose Labour collaboration in the , but also to politicise the rank paper. file membership and wilalevel leadership can be found, into the beginning of the fightback. You see the fightback isn't only about the Brits in Ireland, it is also to arm trade union to understand that their leadership is part of the conspiracy against them, and that they should have leadership that reflects their interests, reflects their wishes and will fight for In the overall struggle in the South Sinn Fein is not going to be the force But we will be part of a grouping of our organisations like 'Concerned Parents Against Drug Abuse' in Dublin and Firstly, support strike struggles like the sit-in by workers at Rank Flour Mill.
What is the place of electoral activity in Sinn Fein's strategy and activity? Limited electoral intervention makes it possible to challenge the Brit presentation that the IRA, for instance, are a small terrorist group with no support.
plus votes make that But, course, 100,000 votes don't affect Thatcher or force They're not a substitute for armed resistance, street politics and organising correctly in the local areas.
There is a debate about our election tactics in the South. We stand in Coun cil elections North and South and take our seats. In Westminster which is the English parliament there is an oath of allegiance which MPs have to take. We time, don't take seats in Westminster. Then is also an oath of allegiance for seat in the Free State parliament - Leinster House — and we don't take seats there But the difference is that irrespective of how we see Leinster House most Southerners do not see it as a foreign narliament like westminster They see it as their parliament. They might not They might disagree with its political philosophy but even those who see themselves as republicans generally see Leinster House as their parliament. So the abstentionism we operate in the North will not work in the South.
The argument is therefore that if Sinn Fein is to play a part in replacing ture collaborationist Parties the South it has to enter Leinster House. 1 nat s tne platorm lney nave to use.
I don't say agree with the argument, but there's some point to it. For examole the maioritv of the present coalition government is so small that one Sinn would tip the parliamentary balance against the government. Sinn Fein TD would result in stopping cross border collaboration, extradition ed.
prisoners tomorrow.
That is the sort of discussion going on.
We will be standing 100-150 candidates — in the May local elections in the North and 140-170 in the council elections two weeks later in the South.
The Brits and the Free state government have responded to ou SUCCESS with repression. In the South this has taken the form for many ban from Free state radio and in terms of elections we cannot e the name of our party on the ballot In the North where well over 100,000 people voted for Sinn Fein, Sinn Fein representatives are not allowed to meet government ministers. The Free State government has mimicker this in the South. What is involved ir this is not the attitude to Sinn Fein What's involved is the political disenfranchisement of large sections of Irish people which will ultimately backfire on both the Brits and the Free State adWhat impact has the British miners' strike had in the North?
give complete and unequivocal support to the miners. The natonalist population in the North may not understand all the ins and outs, but they see miners getting battered by the police every morning on TV, and the view anyone that's involved in struggl as condoes 'we give complete and unequivocable support to the miners.?
At the top of the list for financial support to the miners are the nationalist areas in the North. Myselt I spoke with the NUM at the GLC antiracist rally in London. Our attitude is complete support and. at the same care to do nothing which helps Ine brusn stale to allack tne miners, by criminalising their strike or Scargill.
At the Anglo-Irish Summit Thatcher dismissed all of the proposals from the New Ireland Forum on the future of Ireland. What is Sinn Fein's alternative to these proposals.
question can only b resolved when the British administration acknowldge self-determination for the Irish people. You can't dilute that. there can't be an internal solution There can't be a solution to the conflic whilst the Brits are still here. We have secure self-determination for Irish people and then negotiate deparWe did previously advocate federal solution which has now been dropped in favour of massive decen tralisation of power in terms of local councils and affiliation of those to a thirty two county parliament.
But the struggle does not end when the Brits leave Ireland. The struggle ends when you have the establishment of a socialist Republic. The guarantee for the success of that struggle, North and South, does not lie with the quantity or weapons the RA has the number of British soldiers that are killThe guarantee for the success of that struggle has its foundations in the politicisation and strength of the pro gressive sections of the working class. Yes, just as in 1921 there will be a counter-revolution when the Brits depart, either physically or politically, and how do withstand that counter-revolution? You withstand it by the politicisation of the working class - which takes place now.
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A WOMEN'S ISSUE? 219ember 984