Of course, women agree with this. But they also understand that special measures are needeo to make sure unis is the case. In the Labour Party, these 'special measures' start with women's sections. Active women's sections help recruit women to the party, and once recruited, help articulate with confidence their political opinions, and - most important — organise to put them into practice.
One of the clearest examples of this during the miners' strike was Chesterfield Party's organisation. Starting as a during the by-election at the beginning of 1984, the women turned themselves into the Women's Action Group and immediately plunged wholeheartedly into support for the miners' strike.
The truth of this argument isn't evident just in local examples either. The ticular. It is in the interests of al socialists in the labour movement to support demands for self-organisation. Reactionary But since the movement for black sections in the party first began, Miliopenly campaigned against them. They have lined Labour's right wing time and again to block the aspirations of black activists, using the same reactionary arguments that have been used wrong against women.
All this said, one of the most telling arguments against the Militant tenden. cy is an extremely practical one: the fact that they feel constrained to put for ward those arguments own (misguided) black members.
ferences, in the Young Socialists, and wilerever possibie in tue consuluencies.
Socialist Action THE ARTICLE we reproduce below appeared as a prominently Sinn receiving f16 Dese sus amount. So school-age paying strike pay, the 1980 Employment Act 'deemed' that strikers were