for a just cause, was one of the factors that stimulated the Wolle organise the Women Against Closures movement in the first place.
Women who couldn't distinguish between the violence of the oppressor and the oppressed stayed at home. Nor were mining women alone in this understanding of the role of the state.
Bea Campbell talks speaks for the mainstream of women in the solidarity movement but many, many women would disagree. having seen how partisan was the treatment of the police, the judiciary and the media.
particularly Scargill leadership of the NUM, to assert the validity of the LCC-Marxism Today, assessment of the dispute.
is spelled out around three central attacks on the NUM. Firstly the NUM allegedly lost not holding the ballot. Secondly the NUM supposedan 'intelligible' position.
NUM allegedly failed to win support from other trade unionists because of failure to popularise the issues in the Bea's orientation can be summed up by the forces she lists who could have supposedly become key parts of an alternative alliance for the miners - the bishops, the Earl of Stockton and David Steele.
'Both Bishops and the Liberal Party deny the category of class. In its place thev otter community state. It's a tradition of radical dissent in which contlict is about ideas, not about power.' leaders stood back and gave money but little else.
Nor, Communist South Wales Assembly, be held up as models of how the strike should have been won.
area to avoid mass mobilisation Port Talbot steel works early on in the dispute, and instead to miners to adopt the 'guerrilla' tactic of vsus the occupation of cranes, means that 102 good militants face very prison sentences
Socialist Action 19 April 1985