THE LABOUR Party Black Section AGM on 8 March adopted a resolution on South Africa. was considerably different to the position Socialist Action vanced on this question: resolution however touched every key question of the South African revolution.
We are printing the Black Section resolution in full below. will be printing a comment on it in the next issue of Socialist Action. We hope this will help stimulate a wider discussion on the key questions of revolution in South Africa which are raised in the Black Section resolution and which it for.
THE NATIONAL committee of 30 November 1985 asked for a paper on the South African/Azania question. This followed the statement Isolate issued by the executive on 7 August which attracted widespread publicity. In this we gave our full support for complete inviolable economic sanctions and disinvestment aimed at bringing the racist Pretoria regime to believe that freedom for the enslaved biack maioritv in Azania will not be sanctions. Those fighting to break the chains of bondage through the black struggle must be supplied with finanNeil Kinnock to urgently convene a meeting of Labour movement leaders - black and white — to formulate a unions and Labour authorities; 2. A national Labour Party fund to ighters;
ment aimed at securing sanctions and stopping the British government trom retoing such measures at the United 1. A spear-headed by the trade union and Labour Party press aimed at securing South African goods by Co-op stores South African goods or goods destinThe National Union of Seamen have since announced international action South African-bound And the Co-op, stores, have banned the stocking of South African goods.
This (ANC)
Oliver Tambo was a guest speaker at has adThe The black sectons national committee decided Azania was one of two central issues upon which we should focus major campaigns.
We issue is section's position on this vital question is bound to be ditterent from that calls of other solidarity groups in Britain nke une (AAM) because, as part of the black diaspora, we identify directly with the Azanian struggle. We see our struggle in Britain as being similar in content to that of African and Asian people world-wide. There is a clearly defined our •struggle organization is intertwined with the ngnt tor gename sel-aelerillaon black world and the struggle of black sworth and Leicester to Brixton, Tottenham and Southhall. We are everconscious of the fact that British imHow can we as black people active in the Labour Party help to put an end to colonialist domination of the black majority and racist attitudes. They enjoy enormous privileges on the backs of the which will make the qualitative difference in the lives of the oppressed It will restore their national lasses.
civil and human rights and equality in the fields of employment, education, press Treedon. ment, culture and language. The principal national task is to regain the country for its rightful indigenous owners — the African people. equality dispossessors and dispossessed, onisers and the colonised, exploiter and the exploited.
While the African people are the pivol of lne dew allies are the so-called 'Coloured' and Indian peoples. oil. bloc with the major aspirations as their own. The Indian African Na- people have always fought side by president side with the African peoples. Indeed Indian workers have played a key role in the formation of black liberation apartheid state and stood up for the democratic rights of black people. As members of the black diaspora can learn from the words of Malcolm X (Afro-American History, 1967) on hberals allies at all. Furthermore, there is ar movement in Britain. How are we to from economic subjugation by white imperialists over many centuries starplundering of our natural resources, systematic smashing and suppression of our culture and history. therefore wage an international strug gle as the black diaspora to regain our land, history, culture and inalienable right to run our own affairs. This is this struggle of black people to overthrow colonial and national oppression as a means of us regaining our steevec m mne connes or wate col En e away simplistic interpretations of the class BUSTION.
imperialists is to attempt to con us inmasses in Azania will be freed, reality is that capitalism would remain with a 'multi-racial' face rather than all perialism, capitalism, colonialism and move enemies of the Azanian people and There between Those who make much play of 'nonracialism' overlook the fact that the COLwho went to war against white people They form the black African know good white folks in history, was (Malcolm X) supporting them liberals who, OUl A number of "liberal' whites have out Aue Caus As black people we have suffered Our politics must closely relate to leftism must recognise that massalie Many wole peopie, acspule weh progressiveness, have not been able to fully shed their colonial and racial attitudes towards the struggle, and in particular to take up a correct attitude towards the national question. While the democratic struggles of the black people they still peddle ideas about 'integration', 'non-racial democracy', multi-racialism' — all of disguised forms ucucolonialism. There is a body of white because of their own vested interests, attempt to derail the black struggle from its goals outlined the above. We as black people are determined to assert our own leadership of the struggle. This is why we talk about Steve Biko (I Write What I Like, IOT- the conformists who explain their Group.
gooders who go under all sorts of are the people who argue that they are not responsible for white racism and rently claim that they too feel the oppression therefore should be jointly involved in the black struggle for a place under the sun. In short, these are the people wno say tnal tney lave black souis Africa is tne choice ol a vaniety or malviduals black trade unions, the topOrganisation (AZAPO), and the Pan Ghana and Zimbabwe have changed people the name of former colonial countries as the first symbolic sign of the overWho do we support?
members of the Azanian liberation struggle, national committee officers have met with representatives of the our support for all of Azania's black AAM has been its sole promotion of Sallic sectarian' position as us. This has led 10 confusion - many black people in group fighting to emancipate Azania.
lICU Consciousness Movement (of which Steve Biko was the HOLONOUS Sharpeville in 1960. The first political the ANC is the oldest black liberation PAC split from the ANC in 1959 over prisoners. For instance, when we call for the release of Nelson Mandela, of are hundred of other black people in behind bars for more than a decade.
ple of Azania to decide which movement is to be their legitimate representure. We will strive to support all of them equally providing platforms funds and publicity for their struggle inside and outside the British labour movement The Anti-Apartheid Movement There is much controversy over the AAM among black activists. ProDens dosc occausc ils sccu as d white, middle-class, liberals' organisation. The more aware activists are concerned about its exclusive support for the ANC though the AAM denies this is true. More disturbing is AAM's image dominated movement that refuses to take up issues of racism in Britain and make itself relevant Because flaws, London AAM has been formed. They are part of the Fight Racism, Fight Imperialism tendency embraced by Revolutionary Communist Our role should be to regain black leadership of an issue which belongs to us and has been hijacked. We can do this by opening up a debate which has become stagnant and secThe priorities and agenda are curdecided by influential white 'spokesmen' " like AAM chair, Bob Hughes MP. White liberals have a strangle-hold on the issue. This is particularly apparent when Wille speakers are fielded to talk on behalf of the ANC and the South West People's Organisation (SWAPO).
On a warning note, our support for the armed struggle will pose problems with white liberal allies as more white people are killed in Azania We will be. under pressure to condemn violence (cf. Tottenham) or the killing of 'innocent' victims of 'terrorism Similar pressure has been put on Irish activists supporting the struggle for the liberation of their country The link between the struggle of the black diaspora and the struggles in Central America, Palestine and Ireland must never again be lost on us as oppressed who will draw winning strength from unity.
THOS. developments over the past few years is the growth of the black and nonwelcome the birth of the Congress of (COSATU) on 30 November, 1985. Unfortunately, these unions have not British trade unions or the AAM. We are determined to change this state of affairs by giving publicity and support to these unions.
a. The LPBS will build support and Wednesday, 19 March, 1986 — the local demonstrations on satur.
b. The LPBS will fight for all local councils to adopt declarations like c. The LPBS will organise (or help organise) a tour of LPs, black organisations of a COSATU speaker, and other organisations such as PAC, BCM etc to raise the finances for a speakel from AZAPO or another Black Consciousnesss organisation to tour Brie. The LPBS will initiate a united organisation in the LP which builds solidarity within the LP for Azania (along the lines of the Labour ComSocialist Action 4 April 1986