Socialist Action No. 136, 4 April 1986
The scan: 136-apr-04-1986-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
PREPARES FOR WAR
THE-UNITED STATES is cur rently
the
tras
States ships
with Libya.
The US rocatively ested weapon despite unilateral moratorium and his appeal for a joint US-USSR halt to nuclear testing.
REAGAN
fact such started.
The reasons
warrovoked a
Duvalier was
as pI
Sortantee
Asia. There
from the
ACTION
BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM
If course there must not b
armism. The United States i thrown, not about to launch World Wal IL. But it is preparing for direct
military attacks on third world countries which displease it. In
attacks have already power. for the war preparations are simple. The US today is facing revolt after revolt.
The dictatorship of Baby Doc'
overthrown in falling Haiti. Marcos was overthrown in prices. the Philippines. There is instabili- such ty in a large part of South East
is a rising tide of black revolt in South Africa. Far
government of the
FSLN in Nicaragua being over-
on the contrary, it is defeating the contras.
Two years ago, with the invasion of Grenada, Reagan peared to be at the peak of his
Today, for all the talk of United States 'successes', whole sections of the third world are threatening to explode under the weight of international debt and
oil and raw material Desperate US moves as replacing Duvalier in Haiti, or the last minute switch of support to Corrie Aquino in the Philippines - are going to make the situation worse, not better.
So the Reagan government is turning to the one thing it knows best: brute force. backing of Thatcher, the United States is pareparing for its biggest ap- military actions in the world since the 1970s. If that was not clear before Nicaragua should be now.
In Britain the labour movement has two key tasks., First to
out solidarity under attack from States and its whether it be in Central America, Libya, or any other country of the world. Second to expose and attack the complicity and direct role
INSIDE Fee Heedo. Why
• US terrorists attack Libya p9
• Third wave of the labour movement po
1 At the LPYS conference p4 Women Against Pit Closures p3
SOLDIER
With the full
and Libya it
from NATO. with those the United the supporters
No. 136 4 April 1986 30p
we walked out p2
of our own government in the wars Reagan is preparing British role which extends across everything from the huge British investments in South Africa to Thatcher's direct support for Reagan's funding of the contras and his attack on Libya.
It also means fighting for the removal of all US bases from Britain and for British withdrawal
As Reagan prepares for war,
British labour movement must step up its solidarity with those who are picked out to be its victims. It should start by total opposition to Reagan's war drive against Nicaragua.
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Why we walked out
2 Socialist Action 4 April 1986
SOCiAList
ACTiON
'Eurosocialism' on
the rise
THREE IMPORTANT results, and a major turn in policy, indicate important political trends in Europe. They are the victory presidential election in Portugal, the victory of Gonzalez in the Spanish referendum on NATO membership, the 'unexpectedly strong showing of the French Socialist Party in the elections, and the beginning of a tactical shift by the Italian Socialist Party towards the Italian Communist Party.
ties of the Portagese right and the Com parties of the munist Party. ex-president General Eanes against the Socialist Party. In Spain, Gonzalez too defeated the main capitalist party - who had called for a boycott of the referendum -which had called for a 'no' vote. In France, Mit terrand both crushed the Communist Party -reducing its share oined vote focists as the cent - and maintained the largest electoral party against the challenge of the Gaullists. In Italy, brutal attacks on the Socialists, under Craxi, are once more taking a somewhat more conciliatory Italian Communist Party.
Taken clear politicai trend in Europe. They represent the consolidation and democracy in a number of key West European countries.
The reason for this growth is not hard to find. The social democratic parties today represent the key terests of big capital in a number of West Euro pean countries. They represent an instrument for obscurantism of local sections of the capitalist class, and the development of the communist parties.
Portugal and Spain are the most extreme ex. amples. It was the government under Soares prime ministership which negotiated Portuges‹ entry into the EEC - and the government fell immediately after that entry was : dent Soares will be a guarantee of the same orientation.
Gonzalez in Spain followed essentially the same policy. His international orientation rested on two key goals: to take Spain into the EEC and to keep it in NATO. Accompanying these, from the outset he pursued austerity and attacks on the working class.
The success of Mitterrand is equally striking In 1969 the French Socialist Party was a shell, winning only five fer cent of the vote in the presidential elections of that decade and a half, first by a tactical alliance with the Communists and then by them, Mitterrand has built the Socialists into the strongest electoral party in France. Support for the EEC, for a European military build-up, and in reality (as opposed to rhetoric) for NATO is absolute.
Craxi, head of the Italian Socialists, simply wants to repeat Mitterrand's pattern. Craxi first manouvered himself to Socialist Party prime minister in Italian history
itself an indication significance of the Italian social democracy for the ruling class there. From this position he proceeded to attack the Communist Party, doing an important job for the Italian capitalist class of helping block the growth of the communists. Communist Party support has not been undermined enough by this head on assault, so Craxi now aims to weaken it further by more flexible tactics.
What are the impilications of all this for Britain? Simple. The core of the 'Erosocialist' ties policy is their support for the instruments of West European capitalism.
West European capital demand subordination to the United States, the Eurosocialist parties wag their tails for Reagan. When they demand op position, the Eurosocialists snar!.
In Britain who most clearly represents the rising capitalisms of Western Europe, but David Owen, David Steel and Edward Heath. All those in fact that the Labour Party leadership has been lining Westland and British Leyland. with, and
While the drive to coalition politics is rooted in British conditions, its international dimension, must never be forgotton. Look across the channel and observe trends of British politics.
recent election
of Mario Soares in the was a clear triumph over the
The latter backed supporters of
and the Communist Party
Socialists as |
after several years Communist Party, the
attitude to the
together these events represent a
growth social
politically expressing the in-
both the fractiousness and
secured. Presi-
La policy of rigorous
year. But in
an open war on becoming, the first
the increased par-
When sections of tagging behind, over
some of the developing
DEFND
THE SEVEN members of the Labour Party national executive committee who walked out of the meeting on Wednesday 26 March did so because it was absolutely clear to us that the hearing wasn't going to be fair. ment at the time, charges was not given in writing to the 12 called before the NEC to answer those charges.
Neither NEC
WATC given full transcript the judge's ruling and comments the previous before the NEC 'trial' began. So after about two hours, we left the meeting the point when the first of the Liverpool 12, Felicity Dowing, had asked (TO) time to consider the charges because it became evident to us that natural justice was being denied.
It has been said that we claimed the 12 had not been Charges. We made no such written
claim.
But it must be pointed out original charges were pretty unclear. Great contusion arose because the charges the 12 had received were NEC ed, verb. That was at the
meeting. because the legal ruling the previous day had indicated tal charges vasea on confidentia! evidence went against natural justice.
On appearing before the NEC, Felicity Dowling was told by Larry Whitty LO CrOSS charge, that she would be charged instead with this paragraph and that paragraph from a large dossier. There was total confusion, as was clear from the response.
The way the comrade was treated sparked off the walk-out. The first up
Eric Clarke of the NUM. The rest of followed.
But I assure all comrades that this was not just an emotional response to
Dowling was treated. Before the
Eric Heffer:
EXPULSIN
As we pointed out in a written statea clear statement of the revised Eric Heffer
tions were put to the national executive and defeated 9:20 The first, from myself was that before the NEC Coll sidered the charges the full judgement and comments
the judge should made available to members. from Tony Benn, was that hearing the charges should be deferred and reconsidered
We walked out only after two hours spent attempting to ensure that the procedures adopted by the national executive were fair.
Our action has been attacked as 'infantilism and such like. language which the party leadership should be
US ing, publicly, against other
There ese honest diy.
There honest ferences of political view To resort to such personal attacks reveals the political wednes • lI our opponents case.
Now it appears that the standing orders of the national CACCULVE will changed in an attempt to press ahead with these unfair disciplines. Every
following annual conference, yvai the new ex-
ecutive discüsses standing orders the coming year. I have never known the quorum or any other standing order to be changed in the middle of the year.
This is an example of what some of Labour's
wıl co when they find that the rules and consulunion or our party do not operate in their tavour - and it is a vert dangerous practice. It indicates the growing trend towards everytaing on. whereby everything determined by small group within the party rather than by the party as a whole.
The day following the NEC, Thursday 27 March, saw the first meeting of the coordinating committee set up by the national executive ipen ding the reconstitution the suspended Liverpool District Labour Party Joyce Gould, the meeting Chaired full-timer was attended by delegates from all the Liverpool
socialist societies, and from some trade unions who had been asked to send delegates appointed directly, tel genera secretaries. By a vote of 19.0, thal meeling cleclea Tony Mulhearn as its chair.
By electing one of the 12 to chair this committee Liverpool members. have shown what they think of the so-called charges made against local party members and have proved that they are overwheimingly the district leadership they had until the national executive shut down the party.
It shows too that those in the Labour Party who are pushing for expulsions are out of tune with the membership.
• See page 5 for more on the witch-hunt.
THE SEVEN
Statement by Eric Heffer, Tony Benn, Dennis Skinner, Frances clear as to what the charges were.
all that natural justice was being denied.
ty from Liverpool,
recorded vote by 20 to 9.
Tony Benn then moved,
to 9.
First because the NEC
by the judge,
Analysis
LEAVE
SHOW
TRIALS
STALIN TO
STATEMENT BY
Curran, Jo Richardson, Eric Clarke and Joan Maynard, 26 March 1986
THE seven members of the Labour Party NEC who left the NEC meeting this morning, left because it became obvious that those who were invited to answer charges were not
It was very clear that the first member invited in, Felicity Dowling, did not understand what the charges were, and asked to go away and stud them. A clear statement of the revised charge were not given to her in writing. It was at this stage that we left the meeting because it was evident to us
Earlier, Eric Heffer had moved, seconded by Dennis Skinner: "That the NEC take no action in respect of the charges against members of the par
until all members of the NEC have received a written transcript of the court ruling and the statements made by the judge in the case heard yesterday.' That was defeated on a
seconded by Joan Maynard: "That the charges laid against the Liverpool members, and the evidence on which they are based, be withdrawn, for reconsideration in the light of the court ruling.' That was also defeated 20
We therefore wish to dissociate ourselves completely from the decisions taken today by the NEC
• was not given the full transcript of the court ruling, and the comments
before proceeding to try the cases before them. Secondly, because it is our view that the procedures adopted were in clear breach of the rules of natural justice, which those members of the party facing serious charges were entitled to expect would be applied, and thirdly because the actions of the NEC in our view have inflicted grave and wholly unnecessary, damage upon the party.
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Politics Today
ON THE WEEKEND
registered at its first have submitted four
year ahead.
Women
Against Pit Closures conterence showed that the
Wal. still organised and fighting despited the end of the
strike. What must this conference set out to achiere?
Ahhough there were some problems at last year's conTerence.
still had story 16CtHIL) and a will to do things. This conference direct that same along the right paths. Ne need to use that energy to allach our enemy those who hate been trying to crush the :M. Women Against Pit Closures and our communities.
Our main job is to connuc to support the NUM
the may forward is first to
to fight to persuade the trade and labour inorement that our fight is right and that unless they hack il. downfall is their downfall.
Al this conference ire have to answer some consitutional questions well. order 10 20 forward. But be hogged down by them.
O"ward through the constitu-
How can WAPC link up with other trade unions
The whole working class fight must be taken up in the Labour Party: We need
the right type of Labour
Labour government.
Unless we volved in the Labour Party *e naven t got any control
what sorl of Labour Pariy it is. So the fight has got lo be carried into the Labour Party: The next Labour government nas lo reverse the attacks. the lories have made on That will mean changing the Labour Party.
Al the in Mansfield, the Labour Party leaders saying that no UDM
be out of the Labour Party: Yet these are the very people who con-
Women Against
Pit Closures ~ in
conference
of 12-13 April, Women Against Pit Closures is holding its second national conference, one which will consolidate the gains
conference last Resolutions, on policy and structure, have already been received from most groups and circulated for discussion and amendment. Taking up the concern of last conference, April's will be a voting affair and delegation is on the basis of one delegate per pit. Who that is has been decided within the area groups. Notts women, still at the sharp end of the struggle,
conference.
PAM OLDFIELD, Notts delegate to the WAPC national committee, told Socialist Action what was facing women from the mining communities in the
tributed to the defeat of the strike. So we have to laud struggles with the Labour Party and associate two together.
The issue of the affiliation of WAPC to the Labour Party has been raised the movement. How do you view this?
We should have affiliation lo ine Labour party. it Is We make un a big part of the working class, and the political voice of the working class is via the Labour Party.
Consequently we have right to sit in Labour Party conference, and to vote for what we think is right. We shouid fight strongly for affiliation to the Labour Party:
How does the issue of the sacked and imprisoned miners fit into this?
The sacked and imprisoned miners have been. vicumised for fighting for the industry they're now sackThey are not criminals despite the government's attempt criminalise them.
The for Mineworkers campaign has been set up io campaign for these men. We wouldn't be Women Against Pit Closures if we weren't involved in this Called. same fight. So it's a top priority for us, and it is something we have to fight to make the Labour Party and the next Labour government stick 1o.
What role should WAPC play in relation to other disputes, for example at Wapping?
The issues learnt by women in the miners strike are very important to other workers in struggle. I took us three or four months to find out what we needed to do and to get organised. If can pass on that knowledge 10 other workers in struggle, s
them the confidence to do
three or four months.
Obviously there's a parlicular problem in Notts with the UDM and the vic-
launching. against the
be responding?
Other areas have to realise how dangerous the UDM UDM The very fact that the
ouclalc. Sializic. the NUM. But it is also an attack on the NUM lici tionally and on the TUC It has to be fought and smashed.
We have got to get out and alert the movement what happening. We •have lo point out that the UDM is still dominant in the Labour Party this arca. Just this week Roy Hattersley
• Lallic Mansfield for a meeting with Roy Lynk. That shows the attitude of some Labour Party leaders and we must fight it.
On 13 April we've got a rally in Kirkby in Ashfield, organised by Notts WAPC ¿nO Justice for Mineworkers campaign. It's been organised to pro test against the recent Coal
sackings Notts and as part of the campaign against the UDM.
We can't march into the Coal Board offices and demand that these men are Women ure still at the forefront of defending miners victimised by the Coal Board.
reinstated but we can put out call to the trade union and labour
HOVe ment and demand public support for these brothers wro nave been sackea tor doing what trade unions Have generations for.
One of the features of the last
CUICICLCC speech by a black woman from the South Afican Congress of Trade Unions. How do you see the importance of the international issues for Women Against Pit Closures?
We have to have a recognition that the enemy of the black people South Africa is exactly the same
fighting and that's capitalism. Unless recognise this enemy together. the forces that oppress them will also oppress us.
We have to go into bat-
be under ahar ernona
banner only make us stronger. Lots of women recognise that, and WAPC should affiliate to calibalell Apartheid, and it should like Anti-
campaign on issues such a the use of plastic bullets.
Justice for Mineworkers
WOMEN
PF
AFTER the successful public launch ot campaign at the beginning of March, Justice for Mineworkers gearing up for its next meeting, and greater efforts behalf of all victimised miners in the coming months.
The open meeting will ne ned in Nottingham on Sunday 13 April. All those attending are asked to join the Notts rally which begins at 7 om on the same evening (see this page for further details).
'We are looking to get as many affiliations to the campaign Ann Suddick told Socialist possible,
Action. 'Those affiliations give us the monev to con. tinue campaigning.
'But we are also asking SUDOICE LOSICO UD LICI own fund-raising activities for the jailed and sacked miners. It is of vital importance that as much emori as possible goes into raising money for the NUM's national solidarity fund, she said.
• For further details
the 13 April meeting, contact: Ann
Durham Mechanics Offices, 26 The Ave
Durham (phone: 0385 61375/6).
Women Against Pit Closures: it started with fund-raising and soup kitchens and resulted in the upsurge of a massive new movement of women
the
is
for on 'National
Stained from the same address. field.
Socialist Action 4 April 1986 3 Defend the NUM Rally
Organised by the Notts Justice for
Mineworkers Campaign and Notts
Women Against Pit Closures 7.30pm, Sunday 13 April Festival Hall, Kirkby-in-Ashfield, Nottinghamshire speakers include:
Arthur Scargill, Michael Brittan (Deputy Gen Sec SOGAT), Paul Whetton (Secretary
Bevercotes NUM), Gwen McLeod (Notts
WAPC), chaired by Henry Richardson
(Gen Sec Notts NUM) What you can do Affiliate to the Justice for Mineworkers campaign: national organisations, £50 per annum; regional, £25; local £5. Cheques should be made payable to
Justice for Mineworkers Campaign'. The Treasurer Durham Mechanics Office, 26 The Avenue, Durham DHI 4ED. Further information about the campaign can be ob=
Take out a standing order to the NUM's national solidarity fund, by completing a form from your bank. The details of the fund are as follows: Sheffield Coop Bank, Account No 30000009, Sorting Code 08-90-75. Cheques and postal orders, made payable to 'Miners Solidarity Fund', should be sent to: NUM, St James House, Vicar Lane, Shef-
Page 4 scan of this page
LPYS takes wrong choice..again!
4 Socialist Action 4 April 1986 What tasks do
lesbians and gays
face in 1986?
LESBIAN AND gay socialists are gathering at the annual general meeting of the Labour Campaign for Lesbian and Gay Kights to review break-through achieved in our recent history, and to plan building on these gains in 1986.
By Peter Purton, LCLGR National Treasurer (personal capacity)
During 1985 LCLGR cashed in on the hard work of lesbian and gay activists inside the labour movement over several years, and the tremendous openings provided by the miners strike, to move off the fringe of politics to the centre-stage. Early successes at the followed by the first-ever debate at the TUC and the historic victory at Labour conference. coming year must see a campaign to consolidate these advances in into action. LCLGR intend to go back to the floor of Labour's conference this year with the clear intention of winning a two-thirds majority needed to secure a place in the manifesto for lesbian and gay rights, and to ward off the likelihood of the leadership quietly dropping off the agenda. year, the chief battle to win this will be among the trade unions. Activists are beginning to recognise that trying to win over the trade union movement to both policy and action on lesbian and gay rights is central to securing real advances.
ghts
A major component of this strategy must be to win the labour movement to taking a clear stand against AIDS hysteria. bench meekly followed the Tories in blaming AIDS on its sufferers, the unleashed by the gutter press in the last year has threatened to sweep away the tenuous gains made by the lesbian and gay movement. That hysteria has transformed the position of lesbians and gay men in the workplace and in the community to one, often, of ostracism and terror. It has raised the stakes involved in which there can be no lesbian and gay struggle -to heights not seen in 15 years.
Already, in sharp contrast to the Labour Party front bench, many trade unions have organised their own campaign on AIDS.
NUPE have led the way, with proper educational
their membership couragement for their lesbian and gay members. LCLGR must take up and develop work in the trade unions at a much more serious level in order to deepen this process and to campaign for the implementation of the mains a purely paper policy as far as most unions and their members are concerned.
Local government equal opportunities policy is
many Labour councils will have begun to develop equal opportunities policies. LCLGR will be aiming to produce a campaign pack to pull together the lessons of these experiences and to equin to take on the struggle in the many areas where, despite Labour Party policy, councils attitudes remain indistinguishable from those of the Tories.
Important to securing these advances will be the consolidation of the alliances constructed in the last year: with the black section, with the Women's Action Committee, with the organised left such as LLC, Briefing, and the LCC crucially, extending those unions. won, LCLGR members face the coming year with determination. Despite the sabotage of the Labour leadership, we retain a firm optimism that 1986 can represent an advance on the victories of 1985. • LCLGR annual meeting, London Lesbian and Gay Centre, 67-09 Cowcross Street, London ECI. details from Toby 01-226 1097.
12 months which saw the greatest 1985 LPYS conference were
The policy and see them transformed
As with last
Mise
rell
While the Labour front
popular hysteria
"coming out'- without
NALGO and
and with en-
TUC resolution which re-
metropontan authorities, - and, alliances into the trade But, confident in the successes already
AIDS crisis and the
12-13 April, at the b. Registration and agenda
ARTHUR SCARGILE'S speech to the opening rally of the Labour Party held in Bournemouth during Easter weekend, spelt out the way forward to a labour movement and a Young Socialists which champions the interests of all the working class and oppressed. Scargill argued for a movement which defended the interests of black people. 'During the course of the strike one thing above all else was apparent to us,' he said. 'We saw the extent of suffering of black sections of our society.'
By Anne Kane
Arguing for an internationalist labour movement, he listed the speakers to the NUM's forthcoming conference: 'the striking print workers, the secretary general of the In-
tion,
president of South Afric
' he told
Io 'overthrow
to down whole
around ine section candidate, King yout tion This was ine central valL Scargill tells it like it is
at the 1986 LPYS conference. representing as it did the possibility. of seriously opening up the YS to the class struggle forces within the labour
On black sections
THE DEBATE on racism at the Labour Party Young Socialist national conference 1986 was mainly orientated around teresting to see that Militant supporters did not propose a set programme for black youth, but instead attacked black sections.
By Geraldine Kaiyn, Black Section Youth Committee member and Delegate from Lewes
However, having black section candidate -Kingsley for the youth place the Labour Party national executive committee forced Militant to nominate Lin-
Douglas black woman, for the NEC
The question of black sections has pushed Milibans Into lakils up Lacisil
a lot more seriously For exampic, the LPYS banner had the words 'Smash Apartheid Capitalism: Build Direct Links'.
! The fringe meeting on
Young Socialists conference, most devel-
whole this
visitors and the
elecuon, there
steady decline
299 votes
portant contrasted
WILl Scargill's of the NUM
guests such struggles South
ACUL
were at only through
The decisions of
become in-
uninspired. Resolutions
On South Africa example, although sup-
tant platform opposed
COn
COLLICIC building solidarity with against apartheid. On Ireland,
campaign repres-
including plastic bullets the strip-searching, and barallllary forces.
In contrast to Scargill's
peech in full support o
lc allauca with wolic black sections. It was in-
Militant's programme fo
black youth was just
attack on black sections. In the meeting Linda Douglas ,and other speakers attacked black
but without Souvis proposing a black youth programme. When contributions were taken from the floor, the chair called four or five Militant supporters and a Workers Power supporter, defended black sections.
did not ine Diallorill accept any questions. This fringe meeting showed that the Militant-
conterence voted down a resolution demands tor ine WAC's
ght of women to ele
eir own NEC represe
expressed debate on
was
careerists' none for
comments 'the little
VOUS LION to
for action
resources to
on lesbian
Perhaps the most
and the
WILE Nicaragua. While conference sat president
revolution from im-
time Central
alis
the Labour Party black section. the votes sections
'can-
lost, were
Over 140 at-
Saturda dominated LPYS frightened about raising its
alternative to black own sections.
The way in which the conference itself was con-
showed the aUCO same sectarianism. For example, Militant supporters asked for a card vote on whether Nicaragua should be debated. But when we asked for a card vote on black sections we were told by the chair that it WOle waste conference
Nevertheless, the terms of the debate on black sections at this year's YS conference. reoresented a vic tory for black section's three short years of campigning for black self-organisation within the Labour Party.
Militant: incapable of building the mass youth movement Labour needs
response to
include to
tant's vote
Socialist Organiser's argument "revolu-
what it their can-
Youth bulletin
had seven
alternative Militant
the black sections Youth an open
many backed at conference. With 16
youth newspaper Socialist Youth,
Youth Action's meeting on
ed LPYS should nave nael
ANC, Abrams
The Marxist Paper for Labour and Youth
YOUTH
ACTION
• N
SMASH APARTHE
ANC
SPEAK i
News
Women's Action * and
left w.ak also con-
fringe
people WAC for Miners ngsle and LCLGR
choices
and
icaaing battle
black interven. tion.
LPYS.
crucial in
LPYS.
organises Party.
ISSUE 775 3 semel
Thatcher schemes fay 86
MOBILIZE!
KINGSLE SENT
BLACK SECTIONS FOR NEC
Black section debate had
Militant on the run
Page 5 scan of this page
Reinstate Amir Khanand Kevin Scally
News
Black Section Newsletter
Black
Sections Spring 1986 issue out
now, price 50p plus 13p
p&p. Order your copy
from: Black Section Newsletter, c/o 122a Ferndale Road, Brixton, London SW4 7SA.
committee meets
THE first meeting of the black and Asian advisory committee tame body set up by the national party counter-weight to black section demands for recognition took place recently.
Despite the total oppo cononios bonk section,
contains some of their supporters. But correspondence between black sections and the national par-
Ine subject registered . another small vietory.
In reply to a letter from
committee, director organisation Jovce Could addressed her reply to: 'Mi
Makanji, ocliclal Labour Party Black Section. 'She pointed out that the committee was planning a 'full programme of work and • regretted. the decision of black sections not to participate.
Coupled with the IL: EA selection success, said
black section supporter, 'this means we're'
open.
The institutions of the na tional party are being forc-
SEVERAL Labour can-
didates in the forthcom-
ing Inner London
Education Authority
elections have been
chosen with the full par-
ticipation of their con-
stituency black sections
despite instructions
to the contrary from the
Labour Party's regional
office.
Vauxhall, Lewisham
Fast, Norwood, Islington
North and Deptford all
registered victory
though, when Tneir can-
didates were confirmed by
party headquarters.
Labour's fake advisory
ed to recognisé we exist.'
A motion to a black section national committee from Vauxhall, amend-
by BirminghamLadywood, passed. overwhelmingly. Noting that the black section cam-
Caribbean and Asian
within party during its three
existence, ycals called for a policy of non-cooperation with the party's new committee, 'untess and until black members of the party have the sole say in its terms of reference and composition'
The advisory committee, comprising black and
My Asiah Don San
Asians Want Black Sections' Hattersley who has played no small Birmingham parirook encouraging constituency to expel Amir Khan for his timerity setting up a black sectior on Hattersley's own doorstep. he take com. mittee is composed of party members appointea, not elected, by the national executive regions and trade unions.
Black section victory in
ILEA selections
London regional party office convened a meeting of officers from the constituencies concerned to persuade them to think again. They refused.
•The candidates involyed include two of the surcharged Lambeth borough councillors Irma Critchlow and John O'Malley.
When this reported Walworth
headouarters "im -posed' candidates on the constituencies. In all cases they were the same candidate. selected by the CLPs in the first place, with black participation.
Asian advisory
committee composition is:
Charles Turnock, Tom Sawyer*, Gwynneth Dunwoody
Sagoo (Bakers Union),
Anand*, Jahantia, Vaz*, S East — vacancv: bast
Chris Sharma; North Rafique Malik;
Secretary: Joyce Gould Ethnic Virendra Sharma
* denotes black sections supporter.
'This is a victory,' said black section chair Mare Il means we have created an important precedent. national party has been forced to give black section involve. mave en reconitor ment recognition we
•But ther still holding out on the vital question of Russell Profitt's selection as parliacandidate Hichlary which is spiteful and narrow minded. They have no reason for this, the selection clearly had support from the local party.' Labour Party black and The national party's toothless alternative to black sections had its first meeting recently, 27 February, in the House of Commons. Its
From the NEC: Roy Hattersley, Jo Richardson*,
From the trade unions: Sardul Marwa (EETPU), Ollie Jackson (TGWU), D Graham (AUEW), P
Norman Jolly (APEX)
From the regions: London.— Ben Bousquet, Vidya
Lincoln Crawford, Valerie Vacancy; Wales — Vacancy; North - Keith Vaz*, one vacancy (due to Trudi De Hainey's withdrawal); West Midlands — Narjma Hafiz, Ron Lisk Carew,
West Ernie Taylor*, Scotland - Robert Thompson
minority officer (full time worker):
So far Khan and Scally have received no charges in writing. They go into those proceedings blind. This is yet another example of the kangaroo court methods employed by Labour's right wing rid themselves of party members they consider a threat.
It is rumoured in Birmingham that Khan will be suspended rather than ex pelled. Prominent members of the constituency are already boasting that he won't be a councillor after next year's May elections. If Khan is suspended then he will be ineligible for inclusion on the Dale of would-be Labour candidates in the local Coveracl elections.
'It was difficult getting
date for the appeal, Khan told Socialist Action, 'because they wanted
prevent me standing again as a councillor. it the appeal was delayed that would mean I wouldn't be able to go on the panel for selection by the wards?
was only after Khan's solicitor wrote to theice of his cienes iday giving 14 days tion to take out an injunction, that the regional office set the date. On the last day of the two week period, Khan received notification of the hearing at the beginning of April
'But the only charges l've received, Khan plained, 'were those I read in the newspapers, that of supposedly bringing the party into disrepute. But a everybody knows, it is because set in Roy Hatblack section in
'Since black section launched the campaign in my defence, the Labour Party nas been flooded with letters of support for Amir Khan Kevin Black section supporters at annual conference 1984
AT 11AM ON Saturday, 5 April, the appeals of Councillor Amir Khan and Kevin Scally, expelled by the Birmingham-Sparkbrook Labour Party, will be heard by regional office. Mohammed Rafique, also expelled, will have his appeal heard on the same day. Scally. Walworth Road is knee-deep in mail:
Zarina, Khan's wife is still an active member of the constituency. She has also come under pressure.
As the membership secretary for the Sparkhill ward in which the Khans ive she has had direct ex. perience of some of the allacucci exposed Kevin Scally.
At the end of last year she wrote an open letter on the Birmingham witch-
appealing for support of every Labour Parti me noel in ending the divisive witch-hunt taking place Birmingham-Sparkbrook constituency' anc for Khan and Scally's reinstatement. It is parti as a result of that letter that the flood of mail Amir describes has reached party headquarters
existing right in Sparkhill are worried «oOU! me, explained Zarina. 'Now that .they think they have got rid of Amir, they are concerned that there is still someone in the ward to carry on the tight
'I used to have sleepless nights after all the unpleasant at the Labour Party meetings attended, but the expulsions have given me the courage to stand up and
No expulsions in
Birmingham demo
in Birmingham on the date of the regional
to the Albany Hotel). Comrades should
arrive there by I0am - and bring their
banners!
Socialist Action 4 April 1986 5 . say what's right. I do no: agree at all with the claims unal black ocobe dic m tegrated into the party Tegrated on the asista: who they the right wing
•all Labour Party's poodles selling out the interests of their communites.
Both the Khans were heartened by the stand of the seven NAC meset who at the conduct the hearings against the Liverpool 12 "Thev were absolutely righ
walk out, said Amir. "There should have been more members of the NEC joining them.
'We in black sections oppose all witch-hunts. even though known that there are many Mullan policies strongly disagree with. But they aren't prepared support us. Despite our open letter to them on the witch-hunt, we have had no reply.
They could have made much of my expulsion by comparing the Labour leadership's inquiry into ine so-callea maipraclice in Liverpool with i the fac that they ignore : the cor ruption and racism which exists in Birmingham! andessajes le • Messages support
letters and resolutions against these expulsions should be sent to: Phipson Road, Sparkhill, Birmingham BIl 4JH.
Black section is organising a demonstration
appeal: Saturday 5 April, 11am. The appeal takes place at the AUEW offices, Holloway Circus, in the Birmingham City Centre (next
Page 6 scan of this page
6 Socialist Action 4 April 1986
JUST HOW great are the transformations in the position of women and black people — as well as the rise of white collar militancy - inside the labour movement in the last years?
JOHN ROSS argues that what we are seeing is the the third great historical wave of development of the British labour movement. One
Organising working
class men
THE FIRST wave of the modern workers movement, that is the first with an organisational continuity with the present day, was the creation 'new 'Amalgamated', unions from the early 1850s onwards. Its prototype was the Amalgamated Society Engineers (ASE)
December 1851 and the ancestor of today's AUEW.
The ASE had 5,000 members when it was formed — rising rapidly to 11,000 before being savagely counterattacked by the employers. By 1866 the ASE had 33,000 members - and by 1874 43,000. In 1891 the ASE's membership had reached 71,000.
The basis of the success of the ASE in organisational terms was clear. It was a iruly nanonal unloll earlier local union organisations. It had a high dues level - - a shilling a week. It was centralised and efficient.
The other Amalgamated new model unions showed the same notably the Amalgamated society of Carpenters and Joiners. This was formed soon after the ASE and set about organising the skilled building trades.
Older unions of ironfounders and boilermakers were reorganised during the 1850s and 1860s on the 'new model lines. The ETU was formed later in 1889, but consciously took the older ASE as its model.
The new model unions had a clear character. They were craft unions. They organised excusively among workers on a craft basis.
Their political nature was also clear.
The Amalgamated
Carpenters and Joiners declared that its members aspired to become
and respected. The new model unions
were part of the core support of the Liberal Party.
Peak membership of the
founded under this regime in 1868, was
members, before the new model unions une Calv 1870s with
came under severe attack with the onset
on the 'Great Depression' in the 1870s.
1 ne • cran unions were not merely
based on skilled workers but in many
cases their aims were directly oriented
against unskilled male workers and, it
goes without saying, against women.
The boilermakers union, for exam-
ple, directly opposed
piecework to platters' labourers as it in-
creased their Society decided in the 1880s to refuse ts
work with platters' helpers who insisted
on piecework. The result was that the
employers sacked
labourers • - the Boilermakers Society
directly helping the employers to hire
new unskilled workers.
If the craft unions of
wards, were the first wavę of the labour WOrKCIS. formed
movement, then the second great wave
Table 1:
Number of men in TUs Number of women in TUs Number of manual workers in TUs Number of white collar workers in TUs
White collar workers as To of TU members Women as 7 of TU members
:.trhie wollar manual workers 1931
as great in its scale and
the 20th centuries. It is a
themselves out. unskilled
model, unskilled male workers. unionism was the
of formed direct gas workers.
unions' was
tory.
Karl
establishing unlike the General Labourers predecessor of the GMBATU.
BUlL Dy
features prising only trade union Table 1)
did begin
skilled
Society
respectful unionisation of
TUC,
1,200,000
dustry -
Spared to 28 per
welc wollicu. payment of
Boilermakers the Labour Party in 1900
hundreds of axis or trade umonisin lo
by the new model skilled from the 1850s onComposition of trade union membership in Britain
1896
1.4 0.1 Source: 1896-1979 calculated from Hyman 'Class Struggle and the Trade Union Movement' in A Socialist Anatomy of Britain ed Coates, Johnston, and Bush, Polity Press 1985. 1981 calculated form The Fact About Women Is, EOC 1985
implications as the creation of the craft unions in the 1850s or the unskilled male manual unions -and the Labour Party - at the end of the 19th and beginning of
development whose implications are still only beginning to work began in 1889 with what is generally referred to as the unionisation of the
• but wmien in reanly Is belter characterised as the unionisation of
The classical form of this wave of
general union. The TGWU and GMBATU are the lineal descendants of the new unions of 1889
the TGWU from the dockers strike of that year and the GMBATU from the
The character of this wave as one of male unskilled workers is evident from the figures. The wave of unionisation did touch women at its outset. The harbinger of the creation of the 'new
the strike of. women workers at Bryant and May's match fac-
Eleanor Marx, the daughter of Marx, played a leading role in the Gasworkers and Union the
1896 there were still only 142,000 women in trade unions compared to 1,466,000 men — women com-
9 per cent of all trade unionists. Only 3 per cent of women workers were in unions comnared to 4 per cent of men. The proportion of women in unions actually fell during the last decade of the nineteenth century -reaching a low point of 7.5 per cent of
members (See
Female membership of trade unions
expand in the period leading to World War I but even then it
reached a peak of ll per 1912. Scarcely more than 1 in 10 trade unionists was a woman on the eve of World War 1. In 1911 only 7 per cent of women workers were in unions comparc to a quarter or male workels
Neither was there any great wave of
women during the inter-war period. There was, it is true, a temporary peak of 19 per cent of trade unionists being women in 1918 at the peak of war time employment -with large numbers of men in the army ana win women naving moved mto mi-
but this rapidly declined. By 1924 only 15 per cent of trade unionists were women. By 1933 only 12 per cent of women workers were in unions com-
cent of male workers.
On the eve of World War II, in 1939, still only 16 per cent of trade unionists
On the political field the situation was parallel. The wave of unionisation in 1889 was followed by the creation of
the impact which had created the new general unions shifted the political
create the Labour Party as opposed to the support for the Liberals which had been shown
craft unions. But the Labour Party failed to take the lead in the struggle of women for the vote. The suffragettes, to the eternal disgrace of the Labour Party, had to fight without
1911 1920 1933' 1948 (millions) 2.8 6.9 3.6 7.5 0.3 1.3 0.7 1.7 2.7 7.1 3.5 7.1
0.4 1.1 1.0 2.1
(%) 13 14 22 23
11 16 16 18
decisive Labour support for the right of women to vote.
On the internal Labour Party front there was even a step backwards for the rights of women. In 1906 women won the right to elect their own
the NEC scorescillatives Labour Party. In the 1918 reorganisation of the party this right was taken away however and replaced by election of the women's places on the NEC by the male dominated party conference
more precisely by election of the women's 'representatives' by the trade union bureaucracy. Manual
The third feature of the wave of development of the labour movement starting in 1889 — although not as pronounced as its exclusion of women
manual workers. By 1911 only 13 per cent of trade unionists were white collar workers. (See Table 1). Only 12 per cent of white collar workers were unionised compared to Zl cent of manual
workers. By 1920 still only 14 per cent
of union members, that is less than 1 in
6, were white collar workers
Interestingly however white collar 1979 19813 1940-19
8.8 8.4 + 1.3 3.8 3.7 +2.1 7.4 -V.
5.1 +3.0
40 +17
30 31 +12
The third wave
of the labour
movement
Labour membership million. of the
manual workers
per cent of white collar workers.
pand rapidly
per cent of manual workers.
made among white collar workers. the organisationa! tied to the Liberal Party.
Party
it began
period.
understood when
working class War Il are grasped.
union membership proved much more stable in the inter-war period than did manual worker membership. Betweer 1920 and 1931 manual trade unions lost 3.6 million members, but white collar
fell by only 0.l
At the depth of the depression in 1931 there was almost the same percentage of white collar workers in trade
manual work percentas of on od
manual workers being unionised and 22
White collar unionism did not ex-
manual trade from unionism during World War Il however. By 1948, 33 per cent of white collar workers were in unions compared to 50
If these facts are taken together then it can be seen that while the question of unionisation of women workers made essentially no progress whatever during the inter-war period some substantial gains in terms of union stability were
The specific character of the first two waves of the labour movement in Britain is therefore completely clear. The first wave, lasting from 1851 until it women petered out in the early 1870s, was the unionisation of male skilled workers —
form being craft unions. Politically the craft unions were
The second wave, whose key points
in 1889 and the creation of the Labour
was • O1 unionisation and organisation of unskilled male workers. Its political accompaniment was the reformist social democratic Labour Party — in a word
second wave development and organisation may be said to extend to 1945, although its first real peak was reached with World War
to touch white collar, primarily male, workers in the inter-war
The characteristics of the third great wave of the labour movement, the one we are living through today, can only be
Sure mendou. transformations in the character of the
which followed World the
Remaking th
movement ONCE THE nature of the la movement which emerged fr World War II is understood il the nature of the transformati which have taken place since ‹ also be clearly seen. They are marised in Table 1.
The labour movement as it emer
World War Il still showed t same basic teatures as it naa Dos since the wave of unionisation follo ing 1889, and as that had progresse to World War I. It was massively m and massively manual working clas composition. It was also, althougt does not show in these figures, whelmingly white
In 1948 white collar workers only 23 per cent of trade union women onlv o per cent. in the: election only 45 per cent of women. voted Labour compared to 54 per c of men - nine percent more men th
voting Labour. structurally the labour movement ing from the unionisation of male skilled workers after 1889.
By 1979 the transformation is vious. The percentage of women in trade unions had increased to 30 cent. The percentage of white a workers mute lions dockil 40 per cent. The male manual trade union movement of 1948 become by 1979 one with almost third of its members women and i per cent of its members white c workers
These shifts, as may be seen the figures for earlier years, rep the greatest change in the compos of the labour movement since the of unionisation from 1889 to the a math of World War I. On the pol field by the 1979 election the diffe tial in voting Labour between men women decreased to 4 per cent - an fell to 2 per cent in 1983
are taken then development is clear. The first wave
labour movement from 1850
Page 7 scan of this page
NAMONALLY
RECOONISED
GIVE US
YOUR
SUPPORT
N28 for
Dour
Lof the organisation of male skilled rkers. The second from 1889 is that ¡the organisation of male unskilled rkers. The third is the organisation
white "collar and.
nen and black workers -sing a process we will consider later. This tremendous shift in the comsition of the labour movement is owever in no sense illogical or inexable. It reflects the massive recomisition of the cholas taken placersince dorid sear working
That recomposition minated by one simple fact: the en-
increase in the size of the labour se, and of the working class, in the st war period is accounted for by the ry of married women irkers into the labour force. it constitutes the greatest revolution the structure of British society in the entieth century.
The development of this en in Table 3. Taking first all women work, then the proportion of wömen work showed no change whatever in
entirt period from 1881 iable comparable statistics became labic - un 199i. I 18 0 el it of women were in work — in 1951 17 per cent were. 0 Among women aged 15-04. those ost likely to be in work, the increase vas only from 39 per cent to 40 per cent this entire 70 year period.
However, following 70 years of com-
after 1951 a violent actural transformation set in in the
¡non or women in the labour force.
ing remained completely static the centage of women in work suddenly an to rise dramatically. The percene of all women in work rose from 27 cent in 1951 to 36 per cent by 1982.
percentage of women aged 15-64 in
work increased from 40 per cent in Si to 57 per cent in 1982. By the early ous, for the first time in history, the ijority of women of working age re in paid employment.
Key symbols of the three great waves
of the British workers movement:
Henry Broadhurst, secretary of the
TUC in 1875 and Liberal Party
member; an 1889 demonstration
during the dockers strike of that
year; black women workers on strike
at Grunwick in 1976.
-UNI
INNOPOLI
JR
work was
Darticuld. • the latter
Waged 15-64,
24 per
itself
in turn is
rise In the
and black tage of married women
This had doubled — Women on of married women. proportion
may be
doubled in the same period
1973. when • women belweel
the lower retirement
LIOSC ried women of working age, paid work.
Married
Even if the higher
musi 1984 percent of
represents.
the period from 1951
tieth century.
selling
the
In
land.
farmers after
structule
worden.
drew ing
labour.
of black
letariat
letariat.
This shift is even more dramatic when its impact on married women is considered. Prior to World War II the proportion of married women in paid
extremely and static. By 1911 only 10 per cent of all married women - and the same pro- WOLKCIS portion of married women aged 15-6-
- were in paid work. By 193l, the last census date before World War II, still only 10 per cent of all married women, and only 11 per cent of married women
were in work. (See Table 2) jobs.
By 1951 there had been a significant mercase In women in paid work — will
cent of married women aged 15-64, in the labour force (although a considerable part of this change was due to the sharp increase in the proportion of women who were married which took place between 1931 and 1951).
From 1951 onwards, however, the
married women in work constituted a veritable
by lyls me percen in paid work day • from 22 per cent to 44 workers. per cent. By 1983 49 per cent of married
The married aged between 15 and 64 in paid work also
- increasing from 24 percent to 48 percent by
thẹ cell 15 and 59 alone re considered (ie taking into accoun
Wage for women) then by 1983 56 per cent of all women per cent. of working age, and 56 per cent of mar-
were in however
proportion of women workg part ume than men 1s tion taken into account - and the effect of
not be exaggerated as by women workers were working at least 36 hour a week -then there is no doubt what this shift through
The movement of marrie
vomen into the paid workforce durin people
onwards con stitutes the greatest single change in the structure of British society in the twen-
i The causes of thisidewelopment ate the also clear - and are exactly parallel to
earlier destruction of the rural population during the industrial revolution. What took place following 1951 was a process of the proletarianisation of society on a massive scale.
A woman doing domestic labour in
proletariat liket The process re their labour
drawing mared wrocess of the aristin
process of proletarianisation position of Shift
The reasons for this social revolution, for that is what it is, are also clear.
its previous waves of expansion capitalism created labour force driving the population, including self-employed farmers and peasants, off the
But in Britain the proportion of the population in agriculture - and even more the proportion of self-employed
was already extremely small World War II. Capitalism, therefore, had to expand commodity relations, to create a proletariat selling its labour power, by different means. It did so by commodity relations, the sale of labour power, eating into the family
Where capitalism previously proletarianised agricultural population it now preceeded to proletarianise the position
The second great transformation of the labour force in the postwar period has been produced by exactly the same process of capital accumulation which
married women into Capitalism did not have the ability to increase the numbers of white male workers in the labour force following World War II — due to natural limits in population growth, the increased numbers of men in education and train-
for skilled labour etc. therefore turned to importing black
Between 1951 and 1982 the number
people in Britain increased from 75,000 to over 2 million — a nearly thirty fold increase. A new black pro-
was created alongside, overlapping with the new female pro-
Finally these immense shifts in the position of women and black people within the working class also accompanied the other great change - the increase in the proportion of white collar, and to a lesser degree public sector,
This was both a process of change within the working class manual workers shifting into white collar
and part of the process of proletarianisation those not previously in the worktorce entering white colla Social
Between 1948 and 1979 the number of manual workers declined from 14 million to 12 million — a decrease of 14 per cent. But the number of white col. lar worker almost doubled from 6.2 million to 11.7 million. The proportion of white collars workers increased from 31 per cent to 49 per cent. The number of white collar workers to-
exceeds the number of manual
The shift into the public sector in the period of the post war boom was significant but not as massive as the increase in the number of workers, black workers, or white collare workers. The number of workers in
public sector increased from 4.6 million in 1948 to 6.3 million in 1979: the proportion of workers in the public sector increasing from 25 per cent to 32
The really big expansion number of workers in the public sector
came during World and the immediate post-war period -not during the post war boom. number of workers in the public sector since 1979, has of course somewhat decreased with the process of privatisa-
Taken overall the nature of this process is quite clear. The post-war period saw not a shrinking of the working class but its massive extension - an extension
La massive entry of women. above all married women, and black
into the workforce. stitutes a social revolution in the composition of the working class equivalent in us scope to that or the industrial revolution or the period of the creation
mover as gree the cr the union.
The logic clear. movement develo the wo Th privile
society. organi
will S worke wome The War and di by to org
on a large scale.
Th the de the organi layer c paniec and advance, ment. was accompanied by second, skilled workers, reforn had the third v
organisation of white collar workers, panied As th wome throug will un work. the lef
would will be third labour movement.
Be that n Capital differe
In Br nothir betwe country by the
and Imperialist
by the working class against British imperialism that a true mass socialist current will emerge in the British working class. The creation of such a current however will be enormous y reinforced by the massive proletarianisation of women and black people and their huge entry into the labour movement - botr the fact that these are the least privileged sections of the working class and, in the case of black people, because of their direct links with those struggling against imperialism in the semi-colonial Countic
process. Marx Communist Manifesto 'have no interests separate and apart from those of the working class as a whole.' Class consciousness constitutes moving the defence of the interests of the work-
Wing class as a whole ticular layer or group within it no matter how large or militant.
Britain itself rested only on specific sectons of the obstacles existed to the development of mass class consciousness. That the narrow privileged craft unions of the mid-
•Table 2:
Women in work in Great Britain
of the Year
in labour force
war i
• The
1881 26
1921 26 1931 1951 1973 33 19791 1983 36
1.Uk
It con-
' unskilled male
either. white and
The second
after World based on the Society
The
— labourism.
black, and
ment itself.
orgnisation ment, the
development
long
the labour It is only when the struggle is joined
the
Each There is a perfect logic in the entire
made the point in the honour that • socialists
— not of some par-
As long as the labour movement in
working class, great % of all women % of all women % of all married % of all married aged 15-64 in labour force
39 37 Source: 1881-1973 calculated from Matthews, Feinstein, and Odling-Smee
British Economic Growth 1856-1973, 1979-1983 Historical Statistics 1960-82, OECD 1984, and The Fact About Women Is, EOC 1985.
7
development has
male, unskilled,
collar women, and
- anc
questions
of workers Their ac-
teacher itself based
the brightest struggles the most
labour movement.
of fusing together on the women in labour
15-64 in labour force
10 10 9
43
59
, OUP 1982
Page 8 scan of this page
8 Socialist Action
Black
Section
position
THE LABOUR Party Black Section AGM on 8 March adopted a resolution on South Africa. was considerably different to the position Socialist Action vanced on this question: resolution however touched every key question of the South African revolution.
We are printing the Black Section resolution in full below. will be printing a comment on it in the next issue of Socialist Action. We hope this will help stimulate a wider discussion on the key questions of revolution in South Africa which are raised in the Black Section resolution and which it for.
THE NATIONAL committee of 30 November 1985 asked for a paper on the South African/Azania question. This followed the statement Isolate South Africa issued by the executive on 7 August which attracted widespread publicity. In this we gave our full support for complete and inviolable economic sanctions and disinvestment aimed at bringing the racist Pretoria regime to
believe that freedom for the enslaved biack maioritv in Azania will not be
sanctions. Those fighting to break the chains of bondage through the black
struggle must be supplied with finan-
Neil Kinnock to urgently convene a meeting of Labour movement leaders - black and white — to formulate a
unions and Labour authorities; 2. A national Labour Party fund to
ighters;
ment aimed at securing sanctions and stopping the British government trom retoing such measures at the United
1. A spear-headed by the trade union and Labour Party press aimed at securing
South African goods by Co-op stores
South African goods or goods destin-
The National Union of Seamen have since announced international action
South African-bound
4 April 1986
on Azania
And the Co-op, stores, have banned the stocking of This South African goods.
Congress (ANC)
Oliver Tambo was a guest speaker at has adThe
The black sectons national committee decided Azania was one of two central issues upon which we should focus major campaigns.
We issue is
section's position on this vital question is bound to be ditterent from that calls of other solidarity groups in Britain
nke une (AAM) because, as part of the black diaspora, we identify directly with the Azanian struggle. We see our struggle in Britain as being similar in content to that of African and Asian people world-wide. There is a clearly defined our •struggle
organization is intertwined with the ngnt tor gename sel-aelerillaon
black world and the struggle of black
sworth and Leicester to Brixton, Tottenham and Southhall. We are everconscious of the fact that British im-
How can we as black people active in the Labour Party help to put an end to colonialist domination of the black majority
and racist attitudes. They enjoy enormous privileges on the backs of the
which will make the qualitative difference in the lives of the oppressed It will restore their national lasses.
civil and human rights and equality in the fields of employment, education, press Treedon. ment, culture and language. The principal national task is to regain the country for its rightful indigenous owners — the African people. equality dispossessors and dispossessed, onisers and the colonised, exploiter and the exploited.
While the African people are the pivol of lne dew allies are the so-called 'Coloured' and Indian peoples. oil. political bloc with the
major
aspirations as their own. The Indian African Na- people have always fought side by president side with the African peoples. Indeed
Indian workers have played a key role in the formation of black liberation apartheid state and stood up for the democratic rights of black people. As members of the black diaspora can learn from the words of Malcolm X (Afro-American History, 1967) on
hberals
allies at all. Furthermore, there is ar
movement in Britain. How are we to from economic subjugation by white imperialists over many centuries star-
plundering of our natural resources,
systematic smashing and suppression of our culture and history. therefore wage an international strug gle as the black diaspora to regain our land, history, culture and inalienable right to run our own affairs. This is
this struggle of black people to overthrow colonial and national oppression as a means of us regaining our
steevec m mne connes or wate col
En e
away simplistic interpretations of the class BUSTION.
imperialists is to attempt to con us in-
masses in Azania will be freed, reality is that capitalism would remain with a 'multi-racial' face rather than all perialism, capitalism, colonialism and
move
enemies of the Azanian people and
There between Those who make much play of 'non-
racialism' overlook the fact that the
COL-
who went to war against white people
They form the black African know good white folks in history,
was what I call (Malcolm X) supporting
them
liberals who,
OUl A number of "liberal' whites have
out
Aue Caus As black people we have suffered Our politics must closely relate to
leftism must recognise that
massalie
where black people are concerned, go read the history of John Brown. That
La white liberal.'
Many wole peopie, acspule weh progressiveness, have not been able to fully shed their colonial and racial attitudes towards the struggle, and in particular to take up a correct attitude towards the national question. While
the democratic struggles of the black people they still peddle ideas about 'integration', 'non-racial democracy', multi-racialism' — all of
disguised forms ucucolonialism. There is a body of white
because of their own vested interests, attempt to derail the black struggle from its goals outlined the above. We as black people are determined to assert our own leadership of the struggle. This is why we talk about
Steve Biko (I Write What I Like,
IOT- the conformists who explain their Group.
gooders who go under all sorts of
are the people who argue that they are not responsible for white racism and
rently
claim that they too feel the oppression
therefore should be jointly involved in the black struggle for a place under the sun. In short, these are the people wno say tnal tney lave black souis Africa is tne choice ol a vaniety or malviduals
black trade unions, the top-
Organisation (AZAPO), and the Pan
Ghana and Zimbabwe have changed people the name of former colonial countries as the first symbolic sign of the over-
Who do we support?
members of the Azanian liberation struggle, national committee officers have met with representatives of the
our support for all of Azania's black
AAM has been its sole promotion of
Sallic sectarian' position as us. This has led 10 confusion - many black people in
group fighting to emancipate Azania.
lICU
clayed byte PAC and other groupe
Consciousness Movement (of which Steve Biko was the
HOLONOUS
Sharpeville in 1960. The first political
the ANC is the oldest black liberation
PAC split from the ANC in 1959 over
prisoners. For instance, when we call for the release of Nelson Mandela, of
are hundred of other black people in
behind bars for more than a decade.
ple of Azania to decide which movement is to be their legitimate represen-
In Depth
tative in government. We must not be bullied, hectored or cajoled into supporting just one group at this junc ture. We will strive to support all of them equally providing platforms funds and publicity for their struggle inside and outside the British labour movement
The Anti-Apartheid Movement
There is much controversy over the AAM among black activists. ProDens dosc occausc ils sccu as d white, middle-class, liberals' organisation. The more aware activists are concerned about its exclusive support for the ANC though the AAM denies this is true. More disturbing is
AAM's image dominated movement that refuses to take up issues of racism in Britain and
make itself relevant domescaublack struges, bre Baaay group caled the City of Because flaws, London AAM has been formed. They are part of the Fight Racism, Fight Imperialism tendency embraced by
Revolutionary Communist Our role should be to regain black leadership of an issue which belongs to us and has been hijacked. We can do this by opening up a debate which has become stagnant and sec-
The priorities and agenda are cur-
decided by influential white 'spokesmen' " like AAM chair, Bob Hughes MP. White liberals have a strangle-hold on the issue. This is particularly apparent when Wille speakers are fielded to talk on behalf of the ANC and the South West
People's Organisation (SWAPO).
On a warning note, our support for the armed struggle will pose problems with white liberal allies as more white people are killed in Azania We will be. under pressure to condemn violence (cf. Tottenham) or the killing of 'innocent' victims of 'terrorism Similar pressure has been put on Irish activists supporting the struggle for the liberation of their country The link between the struggle of the black diaspora and the struggles in Central America, Palestine and Ireland must never again be lost on us as oppressed
who will draw winning strength from unity.
THOS. developments over the past few years is the growth of the black and non-
welcome the birth of the Congress of (COSATU) on 30 November, 1985. Unfortunately, these unions have not British trade unions or the AAM. We are determined to change this state of affairs by giving publicity and support to these unions.
a. The LPBS will build support and
Wednesday, 19 March, 1986 — the local demonstrations on satur.
b. The LPBS will fight for all local councils to adopt declarations like
c. The LPBS will organise (or help organise) a tour of LPs, black organisations of a COSATU speaker, and other organisations such as PAC, BCM etc
to raise the finances for a speakel from AZAPO or another Black Consciousnesss organisation to tour Bri-
e. The LPBS will initiate a united organisation in the LP which builds solidarity within the LP for Azania (along the lines of the Labour Com-
Page 9 scan of this page
International
Why US terrorists
attacked Libya
IF ANYONE had any doubt about
last week with
rorist regime on the planet.
and Libya,
military attack on Libyan territory. By Dick Carter
The planning for the
On 17 March this year US Wak sativuvus. meu curons Secretary Defence Caspar Weinberger was in London. He met here US VI aulA al mee-mr arn eco
the commander of the US SICCL Il1 Mediterranean.
On 19 March the USS America, the latest aircraft
join the Sixth W.ISFC LO Fleet, arrived in the Mediterranean. It brought
thees in ohe tarel fo atriee
in the area to three and gave to Kelso a force of 30 modern warships and 240 avance cran the most powerful naval task force in the Mediterranean since World War II. Weinberger meanwhile had briefed Thatcher, and Minister of Defence George Younger, on the US on Monday 24 March
the US fleet entered the Gulf of Sirte — an area of sra surrounded on three ides by Libya.
United States knew they would, Libya defended self with semi-antiquated
AM anti-aircraft missies. - which given the size and technological superiority of the US fleet was rather like attacking an elephant with
¿shooter. The US easily
ucked this pinprick and then launched a missile strike on both Libyan ships and radar installations.
To understand what
El Salvador: Duarte's
regime in crisis
port and
asked him to outline the situation in El Salvador. THE Salvadorean government is experienaing its deepest crisis since Duarte
elected president CrIsIs of military, economic, and
The pontical OCCul. government's room for manoeuvic becoming limited as it has almost
OSI popular SuD port within El Salvador.
The Salvadorean my's strategy to take the initiative in the war against ne ruLi nas laliea. Ila' jor counterinsurgency oprations in Guazana and in Marazan, have doe been able UIsIOuei FMLN. The FMLN today is attacking military and economic targets in more areas of the country.
The recent FMLN operation, 'Death to the Duarte package! Long live the workers struggle! involved a number of FMLN units attacking coffee pro-
plants tricity supplies to a num-
who is the greatest terrorist in the world they should have lost it
Reagan's attack Libya. The United States government is the number one ter-
What happened in the Gulf of Sirte on Monday and Tuesday 24 and 25 March had nothing whatever to do with a 'spontaneous' clash between US forces
For "self-defence' by the United States navy. The whole thing was a perfectly planned provocation by the United States whose goal was a
this in the real world, The Observer
represenTaver of C/otas world,
editorial would shiver in-
the up to
DeLae
would
be on the brink III.
The the US
unte clear and
since the OI the of LebaIOS. stael WeIC → u Lebanese population backed The United French,
to assist. the Israelis.
In tne Iran-Iraq war MEDIA ATTENTION on Central America is rightly focussed today on Reagan's attempt to pass the bill through the US Congress granting $100 million in military aid to the Nicaraguan contras. But in El Salvador the regime of Napoleon Duarte faces a deepening crisis both because of its own loss of sup-
because of the resistance of the FMLN-FDR. JOSE LOPEZ, the El Salvadorean representative of the FDR-FMLN in Britain recently returned from a month in Central America. Socialist Action
ber of provincial towns.
These counter-offensives divert the Salvadorean army's resources away from strategic operations. order to maintaur the fighting, Duarte has DOCHT forced to nace the financing of the war at the CellIc CCononC policies. The 'economy for war' package, which he announced in January, follows the prescription of the United States Agency for International Development (US AID) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The package involves wages being restricted being raised etc, in order to fund unc Wal Duarte has COLISC quently lost any mass supthat he had. The Christian Democrat trade unions, which supported his presidential campaign, are joining the protests against his
troop on combat training, Reagan the Iraqi regime is also clearly getting the worst of the recent fighting which does not represent an advance for either the Iranian or Iraqi working casses DOses senol. problems for US imDebrusu The talks between Jordan and the PLO for joint negotiations with Israel have broken down because Israel has nothing to offer the Palestinian people and the PLO would not accept the total capitulation the US demanded.
Most serious of all the collapse in the world price of oil threatens a serious crisis for 1 cal" tionary Arab regimes in the area. Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states are directly dependent on oil. Egypt is directly dependent on US aid and that from the oil states. Egypt, Arab country to have sign-
peace ECOL with Israel, is already faced WiLt Selous JicHld. 1l1stabilility as last month's rioting by the internal
Gadaffi speaks Mothers of the disappeared protest policies. The recent formation of UNTS
anatold Unity of Salvadorean Workers) on 8 Februar) which represents 300,000 workers called a demonstration on February which attracted XU IKK) people to protest against the austerity measures and against Duarte's refusal to engage in serious dialogue with the FMLN-FDR.
Duarte is following US policy on dialogue with the
FMLN. He is calling for a
dialogue which condi-
.IOla on the FSLN Nicaragua negotiating with the contras. Thé FM LIN nas Icjectea Inese conditions and continues to
North American terrorists: (from left to right): Weinberger, a US
security showed
warning, aiose might client regules
Firstly
East but, the Arab states, progressive. Secondly
dare strike present, several
to hit against Syria
The naturally,
all its suppression any dependent class HOveuCIL. US OD poses the tor what progressive about it those against French
its opposition to and its call for a dialogue without preconditions
The FMLN will continue to struggle to concretise a dialogue which seeks a negotiated political soluton lo our COTHECU We oppose any dialogue which continues to be used by Duarte and Reagan as
political ulauucuvic against the Salvadorean people, as blackmail against the Nicaraguan people.
The United States is contemoald govell ment without Duarte US efforts to support FUSADES (thẹ Salvadorean development foundation), and to promote the PCN
alliance with the Soviet Union.
The timing of the US operation was almost certainly directly decided for other international .considerations of US policy precisely the United States' international terTonsu oberalons. IULis latios. Reagan is deeply involved today ir his task of getting the US Congress to vote military aid the reactionary 'contras' fighting against the Nicaraguan govell ment. A display of military
Libya Ivic azalsi azalilol
sep ar hysteria in the is
up war hysteria in and helping the aid bill for the contras go through the Cortes, il was dn ulic cynical and murderous udu civIc. #uduucuvIc
The British press ha
eared that the ÛS attac will increase support for Libya the Arab states. It deserves to. The entire labour movement must oppose the assault on Libya - and bring out into the open the reasons for it. (National Conciliation Party) as a 'centre right' force can be seen as part of the US attempts to develop aernasves lovuarle
As Duarte's crisis deep the FMLN-FDR strengthening its politicalmilitary apparatus by unifying its work. 1 ne different organisational components of the FMLN are now taking part in joint
SuL alveS FMLN-FDR also veloping its political work in the areas its units work
The aim is to bulld more support at a
LIllES when Duartes image more clearly becoming identified with failure and broken election promises.
South Africa
Education Crisis
anniversary of the Soweto uprising.
which had been temporarily halted lasi boycott of white shops. members of Chief Buthelezi's Inkatha
twenty injured, in the assault. crush resistance. Nicaragua
'contras'.
won a narrow majority in the Senate
Nicaraguan government.
Reagan's supporters in the House of
place.
on the contra bases
Vietnam.
South Korea dictator Park Chung Hee in 1979.
college system used at present. The severe problems. de-
Socialist Action 4 April 1986
WORLD
• Education Cesis Con mittee (NECC) in Durban have called for a three day general strike in South Africa starting on 16 June - the 10th
The conference decided not to reimpose the call for a schools boycott in South Africa -
December. It instead called for a rent strike and
The conference was violently attacked by
organisation. Two people were killed, and
Violence is continuing to escalate rapidly in South Africa following president Botha's announcement at the weekend that the army and police would adopt a new still harder line Twenty one people were killed in two incidents alone last week. The regime seems to have adopted a policy of 'mini-Sharpevilles' to try to
• REAGAN continues to push hard for the
,US Congress to adopt his demand for $100 million of military aid to the Nicaraguan
After failing narrowly to gain a majority in the House of Representatives Reagan
In reality the differences in the Congress are almost certain to be overcome. The US ruling class is uniting itself behind a policy of open military aid for the contras fighting the
Nicaraguan president Daniel Ortega made it clear that the FSLN will not negotiate with the contras but only with the 'chief contra' -Reagan. This is a reply to the camouflage that
Representatives are putting up — arguing that the Congress should vote the military aid with merely a small delay for 'negotiations' to take
Meanwhile the United States, government has moved closer than ever before to direct use of its main military forces against Nicaragua with the , use of US helicopters to supply Honduran and contra forces fighting against Nicaraguan strikes
The pictures of the US helicopters in action directly recall the days of
The regime of South Korean military dictator Chun Doo Hwan faces risins opposition after mass demonstrations against the government in the city of Kwangju on 30 March An estimated 50-100,000 demonstrators marcher to demand the removal of Chun - comparing his regime to that of Marcos in the Philippines.
The demonstration was the biggest in South Korea since the uprising in Kwangju in 1980 -which was suppressed by the army. This followed the assassination of the previous
Riot police attacked with tear gas a second student demonstration held on 30 March two demonstrations being part of a campaign to demand direct presidential elections next year and the replacement of the rigged electoral
The demonstrations are particularly serious not only for the South Korean regime but also for the United States beause of the general worsening economic and political situation in South East Asia. The US economy is slowing down, and the Japanese economy is entering its most serious recession for ten years. The 'miracte economies' of South East Asia, which depend ou the US and Japan, are therefore now all facing
The fall of Marcos in the Philippines, and the demonstrations in South Korea, have been accompanied by a major economic crisis and scandals in Singapore and cabinet resignations and rioting in Malaysia.
Socialists should be looking very carefully at developments in the whole of South East Asin, and now at South Korea in particular, for the knock on effects of the crisis in the Philippines.
Page 10 scan of this page
Reviews
Anne
Devlin
A VISUALLY stunning film, Anne Devlin is set in Ireland at the turn of the nineteenth century. It is a moving portrait of a neglected figure in Irish history. against the background of the revolt against British rule led by Robert Emmet and its aftermath the film convinces without using bludgeoning tactics. Where Emmet is as revered and acknowledged as Tone and Connolly, Devlin has been portrayed in 'popular' history as a mere appendage, either motivated solely by her love/lust for Emmet or his loyal housekeeper.
DICSSUC
JUILS LO CxLIaCU
However it's not obstinacy
- d story of an individual con-
Cause.
met's rebel household -
Consolaluna Cellic. beloved
Murnhv's
anısm CINEMA
to republican ideals. Anne
least attempting to show that
For al cast snowert be -A PIECE of the
discovered? Is rape How naive can
Cosmetics, fashions
and the exploitation
of women
A BOOK about cosmetics and sexual oppression might have seemed old hat a few years ago. The explosion of the women's movement had decisively debunked the myth that all women needed for true happiness was an uplift bra, Playtex girdle, Cream Puff and home perm.
Jude Woodward
reverse all lous with an offensive that has taken two basic tacks. On
heels in the fashion stakes.
Dynasty or just healthy,
is a product range
usually feel better for it.
culicells of economic necessity husband? Or because they TOU.
destroyed by physically tir-
the origins of women's op-
number or micresung and
Ideas around its
book is that the debate was
CHES means
Perhaps Men will
world as it is and
Cosmetics
fashions,
Exploitation
Cosmetics, Fashions and developed. However this is
weakness Women, by Joseph
to provide a very thorough examination
all
Secondly, and this is a serious weakness from the
somewhat limited appeal Other Books A NEW paperback, Malcolm X Speaks has recently been published for the first time in this country. Price £3.75 plus 22p p&p, it is
Books mail order service offers a wide selection of socialist, anti-imperialist and radical
about Malcolm X and the struggle for black
Malcolm X: The Man and His Ideas George Breitman, Pathfinder Press, 60p + 12p
Two Speeches by Malcolm X Pathfinder Press, 60p + 12p p&p Malcolm X Talks to Young People
George Breitman, Pathfinder Press, £2.25 + 28p
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By Any Means Necessary: some last speeches by Pathfinder Press, £3.25 + 34p p&p The Last Year of Malcolm X: the evolution of a
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La bit nauseous...
Boycott Hormel
products
A MAJOR fight between American workers and bosses is now in its seventh month. Star. ting on 17 August 1985 United Food and Commercial Workers Union Local (branch) P-9 has been on strike against the Hormel company. In 1984 Hormel, which manufactures pork products including the well-known Spam brand, drove through a 23 per cent wage cut. In 1985 they proposed to freeze
The company also proposes the destruction of the seniority system (first in, last out), the right to summary dismissal, the reduction of medical and holiday benefits, the loss of employment rights if a worker is injured, and the introduction of a two tier wage system discriminating between existing policies no wonder profits for Hormel increased by
The 1500 Hormel workers and their families from Austin, Minnesota have been without wages and have no health insurance and no unemploy.
Many families have scrimped on food and left rent and bills unpaid — the company has organis. ed an alliance with financial backers and the rest of the industry's owners to starve the workers back. In response the P-9 members and their families have demonstrated a willingness and energy unique in recent US labour history to fight back. They have distributed literature from door to door to over 450,000 homes in cities across the mid-West
travelled through six states sieeping on the ground
thousands of union members at plant gates, visited union leaders. addressed unior demonstrated against Reagan's arbitration system
Four thousand trade unionists, farmers, their
strikers by gathering in Austin on 15 February to protest against attempts to break Local P-9
Guard, roughly the U'S equivalent of the British Territorial Army, escorted scabs into the Hormel plant from 21 January to 21 February — at a cost
Acting alongside the National Guard have been the courts. On 14 February the courts imposed a maximum of six on the number of pickets al Hormel. Union officials were ordered to sign their
lim Guyette, striking president of Local P-9. has become a well-known figure for his strong and militant leadership of the strike. Guyette told the 14 February demonstration: "There are no cowards here. We have people who are fighting against oppression, standing up so that farmers can be heard so that labour can be heard, Despite the obstacles Guyette told the demonstration: 'we intend to push ever forward, to get our contract and turn this
When, on 14 February, the national union
ordered a negotiated return to work, Guyette declared he was not in any position to 'negotiate away the jobs of strikers as part of a settlement
In addition to Hormel workers themselves, women supporters have also organised in defence of the strike. Following the first wage cut in October 1984, a United Support Group was formed. This called a solidarity rally in March 1985 attended by 1000 people. The support group has been involved in the flying pickets sent out from the plant.
On the same day, 21 February, as the National Guard was withdrawn from Austin, 350 school students struck. They were protesting against attacks on their democratic rights to organise support for P-9 while at school. The students had
Hormel's plant at Ottumwa, Iowa and Freemont, Vebraska. At Ottumwa 500 workers were fired for refusing to cross a P-9 flying picket line. At Freemont 56 workers were sacked for the same action.
Hormel has become a national campaign in the
tion for several decades. It deserves total support and wide publicity NUM abroad during its long strike it is important
Hormel's products are on sale in this country. The best known is Spam. You never liked Spam
* Messages of support are urgently required and should be sent to UFCW Local P-9,
316 N.E. 4th Avenue, AUSTIN MN
Page 11 scan of this page
News
allout
THE STRIKE against Rupert Murdoch's transfer of the Sun, Times to Wapping is now in its tenth week. Support for the print workers is increasing rapidly. After successful pickets for the last three weekends, the nadional demonstration called to Wapping for 6 April ill be the largest and most important action so far. Socialist Action asked JOHN LANG, deputy FOC SOGAT Clerical Workers at The Times, and Strike Committee Support Coordinator, for his assessment of how the strike is developing and the need for support.
We came out at first for our jobs and to fight against the conditions Murdoch was trying to impose on us. But now Its a much wider issue were at the forefront of fighting union-bashing.
There's no point in us accepting or considering redundancy money. Murdoch might pay us, but the Jobs would go and there
would be no union. If the unions are taken out
Ban and conditions -
and conditions down, but the
views of a small minority
* the Murdochs and Max-
wells - will dominate tne
media unchecked.
Remember it was the print
who stopped the
hoto up' on
cargill - implying he wa
making a fascist salute.
For defending our job.
ind union SOGAT '82 ha
been sequestrated.
Through a change in the
law one employer
dispute with a part of a
union can bring a whole
national union
knees. That's the real
secondary action which is
suing militancy of teachers.
the anger which exists.
ACAS talks on teachers salaries.
opposed this but were defeated in the vote.
The vote by the con-
ference was major
The argument
was that the NUT must not
be left outside the negotia-
tions otherwise the other
teaching unions and
organisations would sell
out. But the real effect will
beto break up tie momen-
tum over the 1986 pay
Another setback,
which was argued for by
the executive. was to put in
for an £800 interim pay
rise but this was an érror as
it will inevitably be taken
as Ine goal the union is
aiming at. It represents a
climb down from
£1700 set for the target tor
1 April 1986. The
ecutive used the credibility
it had from last years aç-
tions to get through this
policy.
There is now a serious
Wapping-
6 April
Times, News of the World and Sunday
taking place.
This sequestration incredible. be stopped by the whole movement.
I feel with the attacks from Fleet Street management - not only Murdoch but also Maxwell and now the Express — we need to 'enough is enough. negotiate the unregotiable Instead trying we have to take the bull by horns and fight the whole lot.
We've made a three pronged attack doch • pickets at Wapping and Glasgow flying pickets to hit distribution, ana ine boycolt campalg».
The picket at Wow. oi 1s a lol stronger now only the bi but int Saturday night picket, the weekdays too. This is hitting distribution Every hour's delay at Wapping costs Murdoch. After 3-4 hours delay these can only be bringing out waste paper. No one wants a late paper. The fact that Murdoch has to go to a non-union printers Worthing to print on Sun-
Executive manoeuvres at NUT conference
THIS YEAR's NUT conference showed the conti-
But it also showed moves by the NUT executive to head off and defuse
The key vote was on Sunday on salaries. The conference voted for the NUT to participate in the
The left in the union, led by the Socialist Teachers Alliance (STA),
threat to the 1986 claim.
Other forms of action will continuing but strike action is being ruled out for the next period.
By Bernard Regan The conference however refused to give a blank cheque to the executive on salaries. I he executive asked for a resolution giving it the ability to fix the 1987 salary policy. was defeated 1zu.wv lo su,ow voles This almost certainly means the NUT will have to call a special conference Ins alumn to accrac salaries policy for the 1987 claim.
There is a major debate at this confereaçe over cover ior teachers absent through sickness debate still going on as we go to press. There was a
IN SUPPORT OF PR
IN DISPUTE WITH
day is a sign that we're having an effect.
On top of that we're sending flying pickets out round the country where we candistribution picketing
TNT VuL depots.
Finaly the boycott campaign is having an etfect - particularly in the North.
At the start of the curike we were morgansed. One day. we were
clerical workers etc. Next day we were faced with a major dispute vur organisation Is a 101 better now than then.
I feel this dispute is only just starting. The miners have taught us a lot about how to organise. One offshoot of their strike into ours, for example, is the important role women are playing.
But we can't win alone or just by our picketing. We need the active support of the rest of Fleet • Streel and the labour movement
Its and miners wives who have
the situation around and give a lead. On the 6 April demonstration
Wapping there will be
strong feeling that teachers 'should not cover again ever. But the executive was manoeuvring to head off the strongest resolution, that from the inner London Teachers Association, and instead adopi a poncy of at least limited cover.
In the debate on racism the executive was forced to move significantly, incor-
demands lilall y that have been fought for
by the STA. Local union
branches are HOW
authorised to affiliate to local anti-racist organisations.
The demand for black
self-organisation in the
was defeated, but
with 42 per cent voting in
The vote was There 125,000 90,000.
was also a strong
minority tavour
refusing to talk to the
Police Federation, and for
policy of getting the
police out of the schools.
An emergency resolu debate Wapping
needed a two thirds ma-
jority to suspend standing
orders. It fell but gained S
per cent of the vote - a
*SOGAT-NGA* AUEW+NUJ TTBUY
NATIONAL MARCH
& RALLY
NIWORKERS 3286 URDOCH * eight coachloads from Yorkshire. Miners Frickley colliery are on a fl a week levy for Wapping dispute. Miners wives have moved leaflet newsagents and picket distribution outlets Many miners support groups have become print support groups
Support from other areas is also encouraging
especially from facing their own problems such as teachers
We have had a lot of support from the Labour Party grassrools my
own party for example,
South, sent
delegation of councillors to join the picket. But nationally we feel there's a problem.
Although Kinnock has spoken in favour of us, its
ironic that Maxwell is still in the party, that the pro-
spective candidate
Stevenage is a scab on the
Sun, and News Interna-
tional are let into Fulham
by-election Cull
ferences.
The miners have taught
us that only when we stop
away will the
bosses stop chasing us
major victory for the left.
official interna-
tional meeting was held on
Monday night t and was at
tended by 500 people. It
was addressed by speakers
from Africa,
woman speake from
Nicaragua, and Katherine
Reilly from the Dunne's
strikers in Ireland.
On Sunday evening the
DIA neia a ringe miceung
addressed by Billy Ether-
ington of the Durham
NUM and Justice for
Mineworkers Campaign.
Graham Norwood - the
deputy leader of Lambeth
Council, print workers
from News International,
and a Silentnight striker
The meeting was attended
by 150 people and raised
£800 to be divided between
the Lambeth and Silent-
The fringe
meeting. on Monday, on
Betty Heath field NL1 USIC heard
Women Against Pit
Crosures Salvant, and
from Salvador, and
Katherine Reilly from the
Dunnes strikers. It was at-
tended by 200 people.
MURDOCHIS BAD NEWS
sacking of two new women workers.
In the first case, company refused to plain its reason. When her shop steward establish what had happened, Lne company first maintained that she had resigned! Finally they admitted sacking her was sacked, allegedly for failing to reveal on her application form that she
La degree. Ford is claiming that it does CHOI employ graduates on line production work.
In fact many line
have such qualifications The TGWU district official who will be representing this woman at her appeal is himself a graduate who worked on the line at Dagenham for eight years.
Both sackings have been challenged by shop stewards in the Paint, Trim and Assembly plant and 4000 strong meiers They believe ine which women women are the victims of
blacklisting. 200-H1U1. Both had Decl shop
stewards in their previous Worked for several years. where they had
The sackings have led the union to challenge the whole basis of Ford's re-
IRATES:
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Socialist Action
Victimisation at Fords
THE FORD Dagenham TWU branch, the largest in the union is alleging racist, sexist and anti-union bias in the company's recent recruitment of 340 workers. The issue has been brought to a head by the
cent recruitment. Sèven thousand people applied for 340 jobs, and were initially screened by a top West End personnel agency. Applicants past this hurdle then hac to go through a further two interviews and aptitude tests.
During these interviews some applicants were quizzed about their previous trade union activity and even political views. There was a clear attempt to weed out pro-union people TGWU branch believes that further checks are now in progress on successful applicants The flimsiest of pretexts will be used to sack union activists.
It is feared that this could be extended to the existing workforce.
Assembly plant stewards have long memories of the sacking of 17 leading ac tivists at Dagenham 1962.
allegin Facial chid
also alleging racial sexual bias in Ford's recruitment. On the production lines the present workforce roughly equally divided between black, Asian and white WULNCID claims one in eight of the The company
SUBSCRIBE
I enclose cheque/PO payable to Socialist Action for f Send to: Socialist Action Subs, PO Box 50, London NI 2XP
4 April 1986 11
MONDAY TIMES TIMES
new intake is from an ethnic minority.
The union disputes this but points out that, even i it were true, bears n relation the e presene composition the workforce or to that of the 7000 applicants for jobs.
The case against Forc in relation to womer. even ccalci. No womer were among the nev starters in the Body plan and precisely 11 out of 23 in the Assembly plant wer: women. 'Women have not beer taken on on an equa basis', says a union state ment else Died members throughout th plant 'They Have beer earmarked for jobs in th paint shop sealer deck are hood more are a which, the warper careful hands which onl women are meant Women therefore been excluder from the vast majority sexist basis.
If the sacked woman' appeal fails there will b renewed Calls for dustrial action in the seale Ford is als likely to come unde pressure to adopt a fai employment policy whi guarantees a decent pr portion of any new jobs t and ethni minorities, and to allo trade union observers a future job interviews.
Free Book Offer
Take out a years inland subscription and will send you free one of these book JUSTICE: The Miners Strike 1984÷ by the Campaign Group of Labo
On Afro American History Malcolm OR The Struggle My Life Nelson Mande
Page 12 scan of this page
ACTION Murdoch Maxwell Express must not stand alone!
Guardian owned Manchester Evening
ting 1 June.
By Brian Grogan
In Scotland Mirror boss Kobert Maxwell Is copying Murdoch's tactics down to une last delan. ne is to liquidate the existing. companies DrOGUCC the Daily Record and the Scottish Mail and achieve his draconian demands by creating new companies to print his papers. He intends implement Murdoch-style single union agreement. To cap it all, in preparation for any union resistance, Maxwell has ringed his plant with the same razor wire as at Wapping.
This rampage by the Fleet St moguls against the printworkers shows all those who are not blind to see — the true nature of the Wapping dispute. Murdoch is simply a stalking horse for the rest of the ricel ou Dosses Tory backers. Maxwell's
of earтет centreaten Murdoch's 'concentration camp' methods revealed for the hypocrisy it always was. The fight is HOL against UHC news-
For one boss, but against them all.
The decision by the Daily Record journalists not to meet Maxwell's demand that they apply individually to be employed by the new company, and its new anti-union set-up, is the sort of response that is needed. Such an ap proach is the opposite ot that of SOGAT general
Brenda Dean.
She has rushed to capitulate to every demand of the Express and Maxwell. But instead of this the only hope of victory at Wapping is to unite the
all OSTEL. workers. Only on such a basis can the power of the whole trade union move-
Ireland. As always
to a sectarian orgy.
In Lisburn County An-
trim, four Catholic homes
ere attacked and burnt
The mobile
classrooms at a Catholic
school were destroyed. A
bar was petrol bombed
and shops looted.
The Loyalist violence
im Portadown erupted
sher the north of Ireland
Secretary, Tom King, was
THE REST of Fleet St bosses are now moving behind the swathe cut into the trade unions by Murdock at Wapping. In the last week alone 2500 jobs have been lost at the Express and draconian changes in working practices been forced through. The
News has demanded a 20 per cent cut in jobs and a 20 per cent cut in pay through a return to the five day week. It will unilaterally write this into a new contract star-
be mobilised which is what will be required to reverse assault.
The problem that the
such places as the Express
Icy payments promised to the older workers at least.
To convince such workers to fight needs the commitment of support from the TOSL of the working class which only the TUC can zual allce.
The 'tea and pathy pproac an Willis and the u are not only a betrayal of printworkers but a threat to the whole of the working class. The single union shops and other anti union measures will no more be confined to the print industry than Murdoch's anLIcS have stopped at the barbed wire at The printworkers fighting a battle for us all.
I ney demand ana neea te full upport of the TUC Willis complicity with the print bosses, and Maxwell's new offensive, is the support step up a tonint support workers - and above all the Wapping dispute.
Support committees need to be built in every town. pickets and pickets of other distribution centres — need to be built to the point where they can stop the distribution -News international titles.
Such actions are vital to SOW HaLLIc allacKs ol the printing unions can be halted and reversed inspire other workers to give their support. build pressure on the TUC ass aso me wa for action.
Loyalist thugs on the rampage
THE TRUE face of Ulster Unionism showed itself again on Monday night. Loyalist mobs went on the rampage in Portadown and Lisburn in the North of
with Loyalist demonstrations, the marches and actions turned in-
Loyalist Apprentice Boys demonstration Loyalist prepared for an assault on the Catholic area.
The fascist British National Front had also gone to Portadown Veera de Vetor V1c. placards tory' and giving the National Front headquarters address in Britain to con-
Paper with the Post Office andinal Enterprises, PO Box 50, London N1.
SoCiAlist
this symof NorWapping.
are
Wapping
the
• and
to tact for support.
The Loyalists attempted to storm the Catholic area or roradown acros: protestant the river Bann.
brought by the ment into the openly expressed political support LOUS Lovaists. One army maiol was quoted in the dian on Monday as publicly declaring to the Loyalist
sticking thugs 'its
at me towards you.'
The aim of the Loyalist rampage was pressure the
government
allow
North of Ireland. while CUTCHE Dioody,
Portadown, Ulster
world. for the Only
Guar- new events.
no use shouting - I'm sympathetic
of that state peace to Ireland. put British Ireland. Now!
Printers
renounce the Ang o- rish treaty and
unfettered protestant sectarian rule in the
But its real effect was to show the
sectarian, lace of Loyalism to the
one conclusion can be drawn from these
britain in ine North of Ireland is continuing to prop up one of the most sectarian states in the world. Only the ending
will bring
Britain must get out of
Britain out of Ireland
Commemorate the 70th anniversary of the Easter Rising
Speakers:
KEN LIVINGSTONE (ex leader of the GLC)
DIANE ABBOTT (PPC Hackney North)
SINN FEIN Friends Meeting House, Euston Rd (Nr. Euston tube station)
Wednesday 9 April 7pm.
← Socialist Action No. 135, 21 March 1986Socialist Action No. 137, 18 April 1986 →