SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

Socialist Action No. 178, March 1988

Socialist Action · March 1988 · 12 pages, 16,830 words read by machine

The scan: 178-March-1988-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)

Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.

Pages: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Page 1 scan of this page

Defend

No. 178

the

NHST

THE MOST serious opposition Margaret Thatcher's

government faces is to its plans to dismantle the NHS. The

government is deliberately provoking a crisis in the NHS in

order to justify plans to degut it. They have created a cash

crisis at a time when the government has no shortage of

funds - quite the reverse.

The government is putting a financial squeeze on the NHS and

on health workers to create the idea that it is impossible for the

NHS to go on and alternatives must be found.

This is entirely false. Even if there were a financial squeeze,

which there is not; the great majority of people would support the

transfer of funds from nuclear weapons and defence to the health

service, not to mention the resources that would be generated by

eliminating mass unemployment.

The press. have vigorously come to Thatcher's support with

souped up coverage of private health care schemes, and promotion

of alternatives to the NHS. But none of the alternatives being can-

vassed by the government would provide anything approaching

what is presently provided by the NHS, without an enormous in-

crease in costs. A single national health system is by far the most

efficient and cheapest method of providing health care, including

for central government.

Thatcher's goal in attacking the health service is not simply

ACTiON

BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM

March 1988

economic, but ideological and political. The NHS remains the main bastion of support for collective social provision of services which Thatcher wants to destroy. The Tories have undermined mass popular support for public housing through the run down of services and the right to buy offensive. They have undermined sup port for comprehensive public education, which the Baker bill is aimed at.

Now they want to achieve the same thing in the health service.

But this is proving the most difficult so far.

Squeezing nurses and other health workers' pay and conditions and creating an inefficient health service, is part of this strategy of trying to make the private sector more attractive to users and workers alike.

Notwithstanding the government's efforts however, the NHS is immensely popular. It has overwhelming majority support. The health workers' and nurses and other health workers' strikes have won further support, despite Thatcher's attempts to use them to alienate health service users.

The popular opposition to its plans for the NHS is the single most important political obstacle that the government faces. Health workers must now start receiving the forthright support that they deserve from Labour's front bench. There must be no more disgraceful statements, like that of Robin Cook warning nurses to 'think long and hard before taking strike action'.

INSIDE

& Hattersley NUS elections Clause 28 Ireland WAC

40p

HEALTH WORKERS

ORECH

decent pay For better

cond

of the country are already fully. protests have highlighted the government's plans

ment and defending the NHS.

MARCH AND RALLY Saturday 5 March Assemble 11am Embankment March to Hyde Park 12 noon

Palestine — the uprising continues

Livingstone replies to Kinnock

HEALTH WORK!

OUR FIGH

decent pay For

For bett

COndit

The night nurses' strike in Manchester imp on the government, and kicked off an enor swell of support for the health workers' de

The days of action that followed ha ported inside and outside the NHS. Nur hospitals, as well as other parts of the co February. The subsequent regional days of: big successes. There were lobbies outside virtu the North West on 10 February and thousand pool. More than 6,000 marched in Mancheste the biggest local demonstration for ten years

All of this is building towards a major show of's the government in the TUC's national demonstra the health service on 5 March. Trains and coaches from

Every single Labour Party and trade union should ensure the are represented so that 5 March is a springboard to build the scale of movement capable of actually imposing a defeat on the govern-

Page 2 scan of this page

Why Kinnock's position

Socialist Action

SOCiAlis

ACTiON

Botha's ban on

the UDF

AS we go to press the South African government has banned the United Democratic Front and all of the other apartheid organisations in South Africa. The apartheid regime has also banned the Confederation of South African Trade Unions from all from calling events like the general strike in commemoration of the Soweto Apartheid has again shown that it cannot tolerate even the most minimal democratic rights for the black majority in South Africa.

It is the duty of the entire labour movement to mobilise in defence of the anti-apartheid organisations and trade unions of South Africa with pickets, lobbies and demonstrations. Black Sections

EVEN BEFORE the recent upturn in industrial struggles started, Kinnock continued to be under pressure on two fronts where the relation of forces was more favourable than other issues What has happened on one of those key issues, black sections, has some important general lessons.

'A savage witch hunt was launched by the party leadership against the Labour Party Black Section immediately prior to the general election. certed attempt was following, the last Labour Party conference.

But despite this the pressure of the black community and the growing black working class on the Labour Party continued to mount. Two months ago Bill Morris, deputy TGWU, proposed in Tribune the creation of a black socialist society affiliated to the Labour Parly. While not granting the Black Section's full demands, this would represent a significant concession to them. Notably, it would secure offical black delegates on GCs.

Neil Kinnock almost certainly hoped that this proposal would be turned down by the Black Sec-

tion. A splitting campaign directed against the Black Section had been opened up by Paul Shar-

its ex-London organiser, in mediately following the election. issue will be decided by the Black Secion AGM in March, the public statements by leaders, such as Narendra Makanji in the Guardian indicate that they are not going to fall into Kinnock's trap. for Black Black Section

socialist society doubtedly it would be.

As a result, contusion nas now amongst the right wing. NEC member John Evans

haș denounced the black socialist society option as

•black sections under another name'

isn't, even though it would strengthen the fight for

black sections in some variants. Kinnock himself

has launched the ridiculous

organisation formed under the Morris proposals

should be open to white people - which is rather

like opening up the women's sections to men, the

youth section pensioners,

organisations to those under 20. Meanwhile, the

late and unlamented Black and Asian Committee

has desappeared from view.

After a difficult period of witch hunt - and

the struggle to defend Sharon Atkin is still going

— it is clear that Kinnock's attempt to defeat

the Black Section has totally

tribute to the strengthening of the campaign in the

Labour Party. Most of all it reflects the growing

reality of the expanding black working class

which, despite Neil Kinnock's hopes, is not going

to go away or bow down to racism.

nock is a question that will have to be decided by

those in the Black Section campaign itself. The left

has the duty to ensure that the demand for Black

Sections is again placed firmly on the agenda at

this year's Labour Party conterence.

March 1988 main anti-

political activity and specifically

uprising. emergency meetings, women and black people. made to isolate it at, and

general secretary of the Tribune imBut while the

Black Section

While maintaining the campaign • Sections Makanji indicated that the

would see an affiliated black which un-

broken out

which it

proposal that an

pensioners? his is a

How to respond to new tactical moves by Kin-

THE OUTCOME of the TGWU elections are just the latest in a series of blows to Kinnock. The results are still coming out as we go to press but it is clear that the left has won a significant victory. It appears that all but one of the trade group seats have been one by the left. Most spectacularly of all right wing TGWU chair Brian Nicholson was smashed in Region no 1 — London and the South East.

The votes for the lett wing candidates in Region

I were 19,800 for Pete Hagger and 17,800 for Steve Riley. Right wing candidate Nicholson and Davis received 11,900 and 8,000 respectively. The only gain made by the right appears to have been on Humberside.

Left

There will now, doubtless, be a series of attempts to legally block the results.

headlined its report of the

results (IGWU ballot blow

for Kinnock': Coupled with

the rora strike and the up.

SUHS all this has halted the struggle in the

long retreat of the left.

'hatcher is still on the or-

fensive but she is encounter-

significant

resistance. As a result Kin-

nock's hold inside the

CaLL being

weakened.

Unity

That process tact

started after the immediate

post-election 'honeymoon'

period when contradictions

began to appear in the Kin-

nock camp. The first symp-

tom was. apparently

obscure fight between Kin-

nock and the right wing.

The traditional right

represented by Smith, Cun-

is weakening

ningham, Hattersle and their trade union allies found themselves minority DONES the PLP after the 1987 election. This was an historically unprecedented situation. They attempted ICaDoCil themselves through attacking Kinnock's allies

This period was brought to an end when David Warburton of the GMB, editor of the right wing Labour Forward made the tactical mistake of proceeding to an

le was promptly sacked t

secretary

iohn Edmonds for his trou ble. Kinnock made clear that he intended to keep his own grip on the party. Support

Prior to the crushing of Warburton Kinnock kept John Smith off the key the predective and coon-

productive and competitive was despite the fact that Smith WaN shadow chancellor of the exchequer.

This key position was given

to Bryan Gould

These manoeuvres were

aimed at strengthening Kin-

nock's position against the

right. But reality

created enemies there. Fur-

thermore the right is, final-

ly, Kinnock's only real base

of support in the party

the 'soft left' is too. weak

and unstable to be a solid base support. By clashing with the right Kinnock left himselt in a more unstable and exposed position with some of the gloss taken off the hype of the

Following this the alternative projects of the 'soft • left went nowhere • abour Listens' has turned into a

the second meeting at Milton Keynes turning into a brawl. The NEC, with its main immediate project gone, was left primarily dealing with

- around 20 CLPs:

SUCCS -are now suspended or under investigation.

Problem

Kinnock then went on to alienate a further part of the soft disgraceful handling of

Prescott. Inere was considerable opposition to Prescott standing for deputy leader against Hattersiey.

Kinnock's public humiliation of Prescott, after a secret deal, showed Kinnock for what he 1s not merely right wing bụt a petty individual

But all these petty annoyances eroded Kinnock's support without breaking it. it nas been une poles

issues that have really

brought matters to a head.

Weakness

The first, and most

significant, was over the

nurses. "he one area where

the party leadership had

been gaining credit since the

election was over the NHS

where most party

members considered

relatively effective cam-

paign was being run.

But this generally supportive position turned to anger over the issue of the nurses strikes. At a rough

85 per cent of the population support the nurses - and 95 per cent of potentia. • LabOu porters. The working class voters consider: 'if even the nurses are driven to going on strike the situation must be dreadiul!

Majority

Yet. Labour's front bench spokesperson, Robin

television COOK declaring that the nurse: should think carefully before going on strike and de facto criticised them. A •wave Swept through the party on this which went far wider than traditional left wing circles

This was couple with other criticism — for example that in the north west - support given to the day of action in the NHS by the leadership was totally in adequate. Choice

Following on from that,

touching narrower circles of

party activists but involving

fundamental issues, was the

presentation of the docu-

ment Democratic Socialist

Aims and Values to the

Hattersley.

NEU

Kinnock, This aimed to

commit DOLI

markets, and, behind the

scenes, achieve what

Gaitskell had failed in try

ing to remove Clause 4 b

stating that Labour was: 'a

party committed in practice

to the mixed economy.

This document was at-

tacked not simply by the

Politics Today

hard left but by Tribune, Robin Cook, and sections of the Labour right wing. Despite that Kinnock ap pears determined to press ahead with a vote on it at this year's party conference

which will meet fierce opposition from and, in the CLPs, also from much of the centre ground of the party.

The net result of all this is that Kinnock's forces are more tattered on the ground in the CLPs, and loyalty Is more strained evén in some unions, than for many yvals

Advances

This situation gives new openings for the left The real priorities are rebuilding the left throug! • relating to the struggles taking place outside parliament, mobilising against the Kinnock/Hat tersley document presenting alternative to it, winning the tight to defend unilateralism which is made tar more possible by the • TGWU elections, carrying through the fight for the demands of Black Sections and women in the party, and, again aided by the situation the basis 10 the helping lay SUDOULI economic policy for for the

left Solidarity the internal

exists this

Bryan Gould and Michacl

Meacher off

tuency section of the NEC

and replace them with left

wingers.

Page 3 scan of this page

Democracy and socialism

Politics Today

DEMOCRATIC Socialist Aims and Values should not only be rejected for its content, which is most important, but because it is also almost an act of political insanity to press ahead with it. As 1 wrote in Tribune: "The first half of the document was largely uncontentious. But. the represented a shift in policy as dramatic as Gaitskell's campaign in 1960 to remove Clause Hour from the party constitution. To press ahead with this document means to open up a political argument in the party that will run for years. The document will finally be thrown out by the party rank and file whatever block vote might be turned out for a loyalty vote at this year's conference:

The widespread public criticism of the document has largely centred on its attempt to irrevocably commit Labour

damental economic mechanism. In a

tamous purase wilch may well disappear from the revised version, it argues: the operation of demand and supply and the price mechanism is a generally satisfactory means of determining provision and consumption.

Market

On that I agree with Robin Cook in the New Statesman: 'If you are serious about liberating market forces, you must also truss up the victims who will otherwise upset the grand design by protesting

The real product of the market is private monopoly and Those who support "markets' as the basis of socialism confuse their role in distributing goods, which is necessary and inevitable in a wadie series fields, with their quite different role in investment and labour. Here, again, I agree with Robin Cook: to criticise the market mechanism for its inefficiencies in allocating investment, and its inequities in allocating rewards, is not to deny inal -ll can be satisfactory distributing goods!

But simply to concentrate on the aspect of markets in the document is superficial after all the extent, or limitation, of markets is a legitimate subiect for aiscussion in a socialist society. The issues raised Democratic Socialist Aims and Values

far further the socialism. Democratic Socialist Aims and Values breaks up the fundamental democratic, and therefore socialist, character of the Labour party.

Struggle

First it ignores that "markets' but a long history of struggle which has won whatever fundamental democratic rights and social advances

- If it were left to mar

of de 1750s, a trade unionists to Australia.

Hete Thoune was right when it wrote Only if the ting out social arrant aments for a new civilisation on a hith erto uninhabited desert island, would overlook its lack of the state

philosophy - the values it presents and around which it organises its policies and programme

This principle must be the extension of democracy — democracy as the essential principle without which individual liberty cannot be realised and on which alone individual liberty can

oppression.

by Nati

core of

present

Values, Labour's i years.

entitled Withdr

is not statement. Robin Con

ortation of

goetalism.

ent were set-

possible to It be

progressive content of bundred: years democracy has

and more fundamentally

rural population, magnificently

docube the ty, on labour.

the population and areas oi socicty markets, which powerhouse of social ad The which are deeply

Al A joint meeting of Labour's

al Executive Committee and Shadow Cabinet on 5 February Neil Kinnock and Roy Hattersley John

le a document, Statement of Democratic Socialist Aims and

basis for over the next badly received.

Tribune attacked le in an editorial

this unworthy prodeced a strong criticism of it in the New

be based, and their inseparable connec-

naton of democracy, market not the market, which is the essential

the last three Britain. This frequently, indeed with the capitalist market. That market first imposed private property on a subservient

La reminded usin Whigsand Hunters, anthen was used reminded us te impose the 'market, private proper-

The real progress in the last three hundred years has been the extension of democracy to wider and under layers of

and life Ir is d

Statesman: Ken Livingstone Tribune noted that at NEC/shadow cabinet meeting even

Smith and John Cunningham..moved in to demolish it'.

But despite this it seems clear that the party leadership is going to push ahead with the document. Nigel Williamson, editor of Labour Party News, wrote defending it in the 19 February issue of Tribunesimply saying that the document

tatorial — Hitler's Germany or Chile to take two examples. But there are no societies in which there are no free trade unions, or no democracy, but where there is freedom.

Labour should not hesitate to state that under any conditions where the

and democracy conflict stand for democracy. Labour should be Pe may leave beang the party of

may leave the party capitalism, with its inherently antidemocratic structure, to the Tories

It is argued by some that socialism somehow counterposed to democracy, should be our principle But I consider there is no contradiction between the

- and to allow any counterposition to creep in in our practice would be fatal Rights

zeside Je

in needed 'fine tuning. In an the troduction to a pamphlet by the

leader of the Labour group in the European parliament, David Martin, Neil Kinnock simultaneously strongly reaffirmed British support of the Common Market and attempted some Socialist Action asked KEN LIV. INGSTONE to explain his position on the document. We think it is an important statement and will reply to it in our next issue

was extended to the majority of society, to women.

Democracy was extended through the creation government, More substantially it was expanded by the extension of collective trade unon meets to wmit the aroirar we power of capital. In a more limited way

it has been developed by health anc safety and other rights at work.

Liberation

наношу истос piogits has seen the movement of liberation from Empire democracy in the last Agee and Hosenball?

Socialist Action con

. VUI

It is Colony WaCs socialism.

State

nullified • The

constrained

creasingly

Secrecy,

excellent book

commissioners.

in-

cil...

*fine tuning

so, since it was clusion economy.

of a network of local

prospects

Here

rising unemployment:

the community, what step forward in

years is unbute their ties The entire must be rejected.

March 1988 3 Liberal revival of the 1950s and 1960s was based on exploiting the failure of Labour to defend democratic rights We still see it with issues such as the initial response on Clause 28 or on Zir

But, beyond these issues, Labour has not been the party of democracy because it has talled to extend it into the two most anti-democratic bulwarks of

society Slatt the capitalist control of the economy. In these spheres socialism and democracy

control of the state and capital demands. In these spheres no democracy whatever is practiced. inev are the essential instru ment by which capitalism maintains privilege and arbitrary power — al other spheres of democratic rights are subordinate to these. It is extending democracy into these spheres, and by this means safeguarding and extending democratic rights in general, that the

chucial becomes dissolubly linked to the success of

The first of these areas is the state. Democracy remains limited to simply

of and because of this limitation democratic control is limited and frequently

only sphere in which democratic principle is applied in our present state is parliament and local

- the former, in reality, by non-elective state which surrounds it and the latter in.

hamstrung by arbitrary patronage, and lack of democracy dominate the current state — the British state is archaic even by international standards.

Colin Leys has rightly put it in an

Politics Britain:

There were and are, no elections fo the Upper House of parliament, or fo

No popular voice is heard in the election of the board of any nationalised industry, the board of governors or the BBC or the Indepen dent Television Authority, or of any regional or district health authority, the Arts Council, University Grants Com mission or the Science Research CounEconomy

•Parliament remained the apparent focus of political life, and necessarily

apart from local - the only democratic ele ment in the state? The state remains an arena of bureaucracy and secrecy. Labour must open up, and break down, that anti-democratic character of the stat The second decisive issue is the ex-

of democracy from the While apparently enjoying sovereignty through parliament all the decisions most deeply affecting the lives of people in reality are excluded from •democratic control - they can be sacked, crippled at work, their jobs and

overturned democratic rights whatever

the fundamentally antidemocratic character of capital show. itself. It is a 'dictatorship of capital. There is no democracy when it comes to

profits versus mass

That the democratic rights of laboss of

take precedence over those of capital That bose sic sn

TrET

Page 4 scan of this page

Fighting clause 28

Deselect MPs who vote for Alton

4 Socialist Action TEN THOUSAND demonstrate in January; fifteen thousand march in Manchester in February. clause 28 of the Local Government Bill is to turn the national demonstration on 30 April into an even vaster mobilisation and to draw massively into the struggle.

Since the confusion around the introduction of the queer bashing amend

by Tory chers Wilshire and Knight in December, much has now become clear. The stakes involved in this battle have been revealed to be even more serious than seemed possible at the outset.

In the first place the government has shown by the mobilisation against any amendment in the House Unal regards the proposal as its OWIL That means that any: likelihood of removing the worst features of the legisla-

bying has effectively vanished. majorities were substantial. In fact the

made at that stage which added the question of "intention' to the ban on 'promotion of homosexuality, actually made the clause sharper and more vicious.

Secondly the debate on clause 28 a debate which has probably attracted more national publicity than any olner amendment to a hil - has made it quite clear that the sponsors of the clause had every bit as reactionary and wide ranging interpretation as we most teared:

THE Women's Action Committee (WAC) AGM meeting in Manchester on 6 February decided to launch a campaign for the deselection of all those Labour MPs who either voted abortion Bill or abstained at the second reading.

A dossier of material has already been sent to every CLP involved, and contact has been made with supporters of WAC in number of constituencies in order to raise the issue.

The vasilyalll is obviously already causing concern to the party leadership. Apart picked up by the nationa

with articles in the

and the Guardi Te, it has

and the Guardian, also Walworth Rd, and some of been noted

the MPs involved have felt stung into responding.

By Jude Woodward

The press in Scotland has been particularly quick to pick up the implications of WAC's campaign, and Scottish male MPs. have

'defend themselves.

WAC is realistic about the slim chances of success in actually deselecting MPs, but the campaign will bring home the seriousness of the es overn

has already been

deselection provoked George Galloway into abs. taining rather than voting

or the Alton Bill. Hopeful

WAS campaign will have a similar effect in for-

March 1988

London in

The task now for the campaign against

the labour movement

They have happily clarified that they do mean to outlaw, in effect, any effort to counter discrimination. Thev have shown that the have every intention of driv-

lesbian and gay rights off the agenda.

We may reasonably see clause 28 not as the end, but as the start of a reactionary counteroffensive against lesbians and gay men. It is an offensive which Will have inevitably violent .consequences, as it will bring into play all bigotry stored whole history of suppres-

By Peter Purton,:

LCLGR National Committee Member (personal capacity)

sion of alternatives to normal heterosexuality in all levels of society. It will play on the unfounded fears and thoughtless loathing homosexuality lies behind much the violence leshians and gavs already suffer. It will exploit the terrifying backwardness of the labour movement and the left on this question, to divide the ment and to derail the resistance

for Alton's anti-

cing other MPs to consider their voting position.

WAC's main concern is

the defeat of Alton's Bill at its third reading. However the opportunity is also be

ing taken to point out that none rue women favor MPs voted for Alton, and that selecting more women for safe seats is the surest way the policy on abortion rights is carried out.

Perhaps not surprisingly, considering the vested interests Labour MPs, WAC- and supporters of the FAB campaign in the Labour Party have tound themselves ac cused of 'intolerance for campaigning to ensure that

arty policy is implemented

by the entire PLP

However what perhaps shocking to some is that this accusation has not been confined to the ranks of the right wing. even Of the left there are those who

understood that abortion rights are as

a picket line is to a strike, or as solidarity to a trade u. The accusation of intolerance is raised because women are told that what we are dealing with is a matter of 'conscience for the MPs. who vote with Alton.

OUD

Fortunately the resistance has begun with a' campaign of vigour, courage and militancy. Virtually every organisation of the lesbian

gay Hak banded together to demonstrate an astonisning campaigning ability. Tens of thousands of previously unpolitical lesbians and gays have taken to the streets this

But if religious belief is an excuse tor • Cele women their rights, then presumably the same token it is excusable that there against Catholics in the North of Ireland by fundamentalist protestants who believe the Pope is the anti-Christ, or by the state of Israel against Palesti-

as 'right return' is justified an

. or sup-

port for Clause 28 of the

Local Government Bill b those who believe homosexuality is a perversion. Or indeed perhaps those have argued that nurses have no right to go on strike are justified as it 'might en-

danger nte and this Is ar issue of conscience.

Individuals are indeed entitled to hold such views, we can be very tolerant of a

of Views held by individuals. But if

15 & GAYME

I'D PROUD

time. The demonstrations -both the big national marches and the smaller rallies -have exuded militancy,

Lesbians and gay man have

not going quietly or volun tarily back into the world of

visibility from which have only recently begun to emerge.

Women's Action Committee

someone elected parliament, and then claims that this gives them a right

everyone else, to ignore the rights of women and the decisions of Labour Party conference, then it is clear who 'intolerant. If religious belief means tha an MP is not prepared defend women's rights, then clearly they should not be an MP.*

However the majority of those who voted with Alton, or abstained, did not do so even on the basis of profound and consistent religious belief and do noi even have a tig leat to covel their attack on women's rights.

The Women's Action Committee campaign will also tie into the reselection process which was suppos

ed to begin in June of this of the electoral college

It was a problem that the media attention concentrated on the aL Lo lobby campaign against clause 28, and that the arts lobby concentrated on the important but narrow question of cen-

The struggle Wak thereby diverted, eyen trivialised: It is not the intention of most of the tory: bigots to ban Marlowe or Shakespeare. It is their in-

STOP THE JALTON PLE agreed at last year's con ference have been circulated. WAC will be campaigning for more women

'selected tor Labour seats, particularly targeting those MPs who refuse to defend abortion rights

This campaign will obviously have to focus on Scotland where Labour's good results have only produced one woman Labour MP, with a very high proportion of Scottish male Labour MPs voting against ADOR YUEN

WAC . will continue to make a high priority of involvement not only in call ing for deselection but in all aspects of the FAB campaign. WAC members have played a leading role establishing FAB nationally from the outset.

The long. drawn out consultation on the women's organisation

tention to legislate ig-

into schools, persecute and drive out les: bian and gay teachers and council workers, outlaw equal opportunities work, and restore the fulsom normality of heterosexual family life - the world of child abuse, domestic violence, rape and incest of women. It is this aspect, and thes which must be highlighted at each stage of the campaign.

The campaign will next turn to building for the national demonstration in London on 30 April. The links already established with other campaigns like FAB must be deepened and strengthened in practical solidarity at every level. Les bians and • gay men must demonstrate their support

all back against the those who

Tories: the teachers, health

While much valuable work has already been done on this front, win the lesbian and gay movement to consider the

movement as their natural allies suffers from one considerable obstacle. That is that there is very little evidence that the labour movement is a supporter of lesbian and gay

taken from December to Februar for the Labour front benc to move from a position of not opposing the amend. ment to one of standing by also due to end this vear with constitutional amend ments being tabled at annual conference

Margaret Prosser, TGWU national official, recently reported to the Greater London conference that she favoured a division of the

votes at national women's conference a 45:45:10 basis (45 per cent for the unions, 45 per cent for the constituency women's organisations and 10 cent the socialist societies) and the creation

hational Labour women's bödy rather than the cumbersome NEC women's committee

and National Labour

Women's Committee.

While these proposals do not include the key one

of women's conference electing the women's places on the NEC, they are far from

the 90 per cent trade union

bloc vote that some feared

was being prepared by

right, and reflect the

pressure of women on the

party.

Creating a clear and

consistent constitution for the women's organisation,

from its national commit-

tees and representation at

national conference, down

to its structure at a CLP

level, is, in WAC's view, a

precondition for a

powerful organisation of

women in the Labour Party.

Margaret Prosser's pro-

posals would not go. Tal

enough, but would be a step

News

its twice reaffirmed parts policy and finally making a stand, the visible presence of the labour movement or the two nationa demonsters „man been extremely small. There were a few trade union banners (including national

from the NUJ and Labour Party banners • fewer stil

no exaggeration to say that

and in particular of the party, is extremely low among activists.

The fight now must be to win trade unions and Labour Darie DONE understanding the nature of the attack, and the urgent need to become involved in the struggle It will involve Ladice. Butthe victories ot rooted pre judice the last few years and the •clear. policie adopted by the TUC many nationa unions, and the Labour

should make the work easier

The argument must be won also on the need councils not merely not to cave in in advance of the bill becoming law but also to strengthen commit ment to equal r rights. In thi

the teaching and local govern ment unions is crucial.

Let one back Weare are not going back. going to resist the тогу onslaught. It is in the in class that we do not face it towards setting the women's organisation more solid foundation to conduct the are neon

Women's Action Committee had a difficult year, finding itself the sub. ject sustained from both right and left.

The right and the LCC have tried to break WAC away from its alhances with the Labour Left Liaison and the

deliver anything significant for women in the party, frequently even fail-

slate for the NEC in the

CLPs that it influences

On the left Briefing opposed the review of the women's organisa tion, accused WAC of selling out to the LCC, and has implicitly opposed the rela

ionship between WAC an

the LLI

But the last year has in fact proved that the cours taken by WAC has been correct

Over the last year it has maintained a high profile

campaign to strengthen the Labour women's örganisa-

tion, had a major presenc

in me rig Alton's Bil

ampaign, organised a cor

on Majority' on Labour's policies for women, and continued to campaign for unity on the left on the principled basis of support for the demands of women in the abour movement. It re mains easily the most powerful women's campaign in the Labour Party.

Page 5 scan of this page

News

THE Stalker affair made it clear that the British government cannot tolerate even a tiny part of the truth about its actions in Ireland. That's why Stalker was framed, why the Birmingham Six remain in prison, why RUC murderers and their protectors are immune from prosecution and so on. The government is trying to keep the lid on a veritable panAIDEN McAnespie WAS murdered by British soldier as he walked to a game of gaelic football on Sunday 21 February. The army said it was an accident. But McAnespie's family and the local priest reported that Aiden had specifically been threatened with death by the army and had been regularly insulted and harassed over a period of five years.

McAnespie's family can be sure that the support they have been pro. mised from Charles

tive as that government's support for other Irish victims of British injustice.

The British government has heaped more injustice

in the weeks since 25

at any ume since 1981. In doing so it bas also: shown its complete contempt for its partners in the Anglo-Irish Agreement - the Dublin government.

Dublin's response has been pathetic.

end of 1987 Charles Haughey's government submitted completely to British demanas for extradition, cross-border secutie croneton and the biggest military opera-

against Republicans south of the border for 25.

Britain gave nothing in return not even a few minor cosmetic reforms to help Haughey save face.

Stop of this, starting on 25 January, the

chestrated an extraordinary series of demonstrations of complete disregard for justice towards the Irish.

rile ever well known. On 25 January it

Why Haughey

crawls to

Thatcher

was announced that RUC officers whe had taken part in the cover up of the murder of six victims of the RUC's shoot-to-kill policy in 1982 would not be prosecuted and the Sampson/Stalker report would not even be published. Dublin was given no warning of this announcement even though it in yolved KUC incursions into the 26 counties.

Three days later, on 26 January, the appeal court in London rejected the overwhelming evidence of police frame-up of the Birmingham Six and sent them back to the prisons where they have spent the last 14 years.

15 February, the government announced that the Prevention of ter

made dreds of thousands of Irish people have been harassed wader tuts taw.

Extradition

On 17 February, the Northern Ireland secretary,

the Dublin government's objections been dismissed. There would be no criminal prosécutions of the RUC. Just an inquiry to consider whether murder and conspiracy to pervert the course of justice merit disem mary action Hison. ly 'concession' to Dublin was that Britain would in future do the paper work asked for by Düblin for extraditing Irish people from the 26 counties!

Salute day, in special debate on Anglo-irish relations, House, the Dublin parlia-

the timing Haughey of London's ICHICLE decisions and they. tempt for Irish sensitivities. But all parties agicca lal me priority te mained to do everything in our power to deteat the mer of violence. Previous in-

the Dublin

why. dications that extradition and cross border security co-operation might be jeopardised withdrawn by Haughey

In case the rhetoric went

anyone's head, Tomas MacGiolla: the leader of the Workers' Party, spelt out the basic line, warning:

temptation of a ritual knee terk anti-British reaction... We should also remember that those wao nave beer responsible for the overwhelming majority of

Northern Ireland has been the Provisional IRA!

Unfortunately the only kriee jerk reaction in Dublin was prostration beforé the British government

Even Seamus Mallon, deputy leader of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), had to differ.

explained Tribune that the killings investigated bv Stalker were bu no means exceptional

Between January 1965 and December 1986, 166 civilians who were not involved in any paramilitary activity were killed by the security forces the Army, the RUC and the UDR. The impact of these harrowing statistics is compounded by

ly two instances were convictions obtained. 98.8 per non-conviction rate.. People in Britain

able to tand the shock, bitterness and anger at the Mayhev decision! Corner

Mallon is in a tight corner because he has spent the last two years selling the idea that the Anglo-Irish Agreement would bring justice to the Six Counties and end une nightmare. manifestly

Haughey declared, before he was elected, his opposition to the Anglo-

Family and friends carry

McAnespie's coffin past the checkpoint from which he was shot

dora's box of murders, frame-ups and lies reaching to the highest levels of government.

But what is even more remarkable is how, faced with each fresh insult and humiliation, government has meekly capitulated. REDMOND O'NEILL looks at Irish Agreement, the PTA and to extradition. Yet his government has accepted all of them The humiliation of the past four

is just the logical

esult of this cours

laving treated Dubli with the utmost contempt Thatcher will just keep coming back for more. And if Haughey's party reaches a point where it can go no lurther, then Thatcher will

quite happy SCI Haughey replaced by the other major parties in the south all of whom regard even 'Haughey's protests as dangerously provocative towards Thatcher

As it is the Fianna Fail government is a minority

hangs on to power by the grace of these parties and because its economic programme of massive austerity, like its actions on partition, is identical to their Owil. Dublin

There is nothing new about Haughey's role. At every point since 1921 the government in Dublin ha! been key to securing Britist interests in Ireland.

Partition was not, and could imply by force of British and Unionist arms in the Six Counties. The Free State Dublin government wagca an cvch more Drulal and bloody war to crush nationalist opposition to partition in the south. On a more minor scale the IRA campaigns against the border during the second world war and at the end of the fifties were defeated by a combination of repression south, as well as north, of the border, including mass internment.

It is a matter of the historical record that the

and the governments in the south have preferred this option to the alternative of a fight

Ireland. Irish capitalist class has never

been economically indepen dent of Britain which still today, takes nearly half of southern Ireland's trade and has a major stake in the Irish domestic economy

The horrible 800 history of Britain's role in Ireland means, however, that simple support British repression and never has been, a polic capable of maintaining popular support in Ireland

Majority

A large majority of the Irish people have always wanted Irish unity and independence. And, between 70 and 80 per cent of people

want a united Ireland. Opposition to a united Ireland has declined since the present crisis began - down to 10 per cent in 1984 (Pols conducted by MRBI and MORI 1970, and 1984):

Irish unity remains writ ten into the constitution of the southern irish state.

Even popular admiration for the ideals of th IRA, though not its methods' rose in the south to 32 per cent in 1978, 41 per cent in 1980 and 39 per cent in 1984.

hard core minorite

Carovet IRA's aims and methods' — twg per cent in 1978, rising . to five per cent in 1980 and

(Polls conducted by IMS/Gallup •IMS and

1978, 1980 and 1984).

So Dublin's role in policing partition has had to.be dressed. up in nationalist rhetoric.

Haughey made the political function of his party's lip service to national unity quite clear when he said in the Dail in 1985: 'We are the moral barrier against violent and abhorrent form

Socialist Action of nationalism. It would be quite irresponsible of us to abandon the cause of Irish nationalism, the ideal of a united Ireland and to hand it over as the exclusive property of those prepared t

ursue it by violent mean

Thus the 'nationalism' of Fianna Fail, and of every Dublin has had the function simply of preventing the emergence of any force genuinely com mitted to carrying the strug Through to the very eod. freedom Such a force has arisen in the current struggle in the north of ireland and what

Dublin, the Church hierarchy and the British government is the determination to prevent it building up popular support in the south

Hence, since the hunger strikes in 1981, the shared understanding of the need for a political strategy to stop the national movement in the north, and specifically its leadership Sinn Fein becoming 32 . county political force

Repression

One element of such a strategy has always been

straightforward repression in the south as well as the north. Dublin has its own no-jury courts and one of the most

of media censorship. in the world. Security operation is, of course, the core of the • Hillsborough agreement.

The second element was the idea that Dublin would guarantee and uphold the rights of the nationalist community the Six Counties more effectively Inall the cycle struggle since 1969 was, of course, the basis which the agreement wa. sold to the Irish people

discredited by the events since 25 January this year.

March 1988 5 Instead they have helped ex pose the anti-national character of the Haughes government.

This is further shown by its economic policy. This involves a programme of the most drastic cuts in social

stadius for so liairs,

years whilst cent of export earnings leave the country each year

s, dividends and royalt royalties

Finally, and in some respects, most repugnantly of all, the Dublin govern ment is allowing once again to be literally depopulated by mass emigration, al a tal of 30,000 leaving annually Two per cent of Ireland's population has left the

since 1981 The continuing depopulation of Ireland remains perhaps the ments of British domination of Ireland historically - and the Dublin governments which play their part in upholding it.

The favourite speculation in the Irish media today is that the openly anti-

ropula Democrat Party and Workers' Party herald th by-passing of the national question as the dominant question of Irish politics

But, on the contrary, th SILIOS of Dublin's crawling to That cher in recent weeks is to aid a modest, but significant, advance of Sinn Fein in th • 26 counties. Precisely the opposite of what Thatcher Haughev and the have all been working for since 1981.

In Britain, one result is already clear, broader supsport for withdrawal from reland. The Irish Post, thi main newspaper of the Iris in Britain. has already British withdrawal. This is only the beginning.

Page 6 scan of this page

Crisis in th

crisis as it hits nurses.

THE NHS is now a central battle round not just for the defence of a

tal interest of the working class but

the whole ideology conomic/political objectives of the Thatcher government.

This confrontation has deliberately chosen by the government. The evidence is overwhelming that while there is a long term problem of funding the NHS on Tory priorities there is no short term problem at all. The decision to provoke confrontation in the NHS now, at the beginning of the Tories third term, is a deliberate one. What is the evidence For this conclusion and how does it fit into the Tories overall strategy?

First, as regards the reality that there is no short term crisis for funding the NHS, this is made clear in the government's own January 1988 public spending white paper. Due to higher than expected receipts from council and new town house sales, treated in Treasury accounts as negative expenditure, government has been underspending on its own plans in 1987-88 by £1.3 billion. Furthermore there was in January still £600 billion left in 1988's reserves. On the income side the chancellor is, as the Financial Times put It, awash with revenues due to 1987's rapid economic

Resources

The demands made for extra funding of the NHS are modest compared with available resources. For example the National Association of Health Authorities is asking for only £231 million for next. year •OVe governmen Viculis. Phillip Hunt, director of the National Association of Health Authorities, noted: 'People are talking as though the health service has to be financed in some other way, yet for the moment all we are asking for is another f230 million that would provide authorities with the stability they need for the coming year. That would work wonders morale and allow some expansion? Yet the government refused to meet even gich a minima demand.

Many of the demands which are being pressed on the government are tiny compared. to the underspending and reserves of £l.9 billion - let alone the revenues available for tax cuts. Even the

THE NHS is now the central

battleground in the fight against

Thatcher. JOHN ROSS looks at

Thatcher's plans for privatising the

NHS. GEOFF RYAN looks at the

call of the Labour Party organisations that £11.3 billion be spent on the NHs. could be mei and serious problem at present. Furthermore,

given the figures, it is clear the government could make both tax cuts and increase spending on the NHS. The decision in the public spending white paper, and in the government's projections for been the budget, not to give extra funds for the

NHS is therefore primarily a political, not an economic, decision. therefore, is the government choosing to make this attack on the NHS at the present time?

First, over the lọng term, the Tories clearly forsee low growth in the economy and a crisis of funding of the NHS* which requires a two per cent increase a year to maintain its present level of service However, as the figures shows, this is not the main factor in its refusal to fund the NHS.

The decisive factor is an understanding that the NHS is a battletield for the politics and ideology of Thatcherism. The Sunday Times, a paper pushing the

Led on 31 January the shift in government strategy signalled by the decision to hold a policy review on the NHS: For weeks past, the prime minister had struggled to would about the NHS and its failure to cope with demand for hospital beds... 'All her efforts to get the story of a growing crisis out of the headlines were being smothered by the increasing cries of chaos from within the NHS. She had thought that by constantly repeating the figures of increased spending and the extra-NHS staff since she came to power, she could win through.

Last weekend. mind, not by opening the Treasury coffers to the NHS cash-seekers but by deciding to be more daring that she has ever been before in domestic policy... he idea took hold that this was an opportunity not to be missed and that the public was ready for a fundamental review.

Consultants

Indeed it has been not just Labour or the nurses that has opened up fire on the government. The development of groups such as 'Birmingham Consultants for the rescue a lit NHS, supported

ingham area, Showed

and medical which worried the government.

willoul d Oakley

government has never been more on the defensive over its handling of the National Health Service. The time bought by its injection of an extra £100 million funding before Christmas has already. run out, and it joins debates with Labour today in a bad state of jitters!

Why, gordian knot of the political crisis she

was facing by announcing, on Panorama on 25 January, a review of the NHS totally controlled by the government. It will be carried through by an ad hoc group of ministers and advisers and is supposed to report before the summer.

Tax relief

present Announcing: the

made her intentions clear. She repeated her belief in expanding private medicine. When the question of tax relief on private health insurance was raised she stated, 'ministers were considering all of these things. She stated that with health as on education: 'we will hold our own inquiries and our own consultations.

dent of the Financial Times, put it 'Like public concern he debate of the past two years leadin

Tip to the current Education Reform Bi Mrs Thatcher is having no truck with time-consuming royal commissions or the semi-public Fowler social security in quiries. discussions.

within the Tory party on the health service is clear. The most extreme mooted publicly that she changed her minister Rhodes Boyson # who has call-

Led for the privatisation of the NHS and the substitution of a state voucher of £300 a year which could be cashed with a private insurance firm. Hospitals would ›e transferred to private ownership

too electorally unpopular to have any chance of being adopted. But others are trying to get similar results by different means. Madsen Pirie, right wing Adam Smith Institute, for example has concentrated on promoting private health insurance. 'A part of the

private health insurance…..A by start was made in 1981 when the then the Birm- Chancellor made

surance a tax free bonus for those earn-

The Times political editor Robin

noted on ly january: "The Thatcher therefore decided to cut the

review Thatcher As Peter Kiddell, pontical correspon-

She wants full control of the

The nature of proposals being floated

ex-government

Boyson's proposals are too blatant and

president of the private health in-

Homerton Hos

Gate 4

Main

ing below £8,500 per year and entered by their employer. This group could be expanded by granting a tax rebate for those undertaking private medical insurance

A second tack was shown in the report on the NHS by the Carlton Club/Conservative Medical Society. One of the

pal authors of this was Sir Gerard

NH

CUTS

HUR®

Sra

STAFF

SHOR

KIL

Vaughan. This report called for replacement of the NHS with a national health * insurance scheme, for tax relief on health care premiums, and, in particular, steps to destroy the health service unions. In preparation far-reaching changes in the NHS the Tories have taken steps to prepare the legal ground

Page 7 scan of this page

eNHS

S

VILL

mal

notably removing the legal definition of

a private patient from its Health and

Medicines Bill.

But even before it gets to fundamental structural changes it is clear that the

government is planning cuts in the real

effectiveness of the NHS. It is planning to run the NHS down and make it un-

Photo: GRAEME COOKSON

popular as was achieved, over a decade, with public housing.

The 1988 public spending white paper shows that gross NHS spending is planned to rise by 2 per cent after next year allowing for inflation - just on the limit of the 1.5-2 per cent annual rise required to meet the growth in the number of people aged over 75 and medical advances. But it does not include any allowance for real rises in NHS staff pay.

The government's projected figures show that the real rise in gross NHS spending is planned to slow to 1.3 per cent in 1989-90 and to 1.7 per cent in 1990-91. Capital spending on English hospitals is shown as increasing by only 1 per cent. These figures take the NHS down to the level where the service will begin to deteriorate further. Clearly the aim is to make the NHS unpopular and inefficient.

These figures have been denounced not just by the health unions and the

Party but by every: health organisațion.

• The British Medical Association (BMA) announced following the white paper that: Politicians of all parties must intervene in the debate on the white paper to ensure that additional funding is provided? Uneconomic

But if one side of the Tory coin is running down the NHS the other building up private medicine largely at the taxpayers expense The truth is that private medicine is uneconomic and can only be sustained deliberate government policy: The facts of the last nine years show this.

As soon as it came to office in 1979 the Thatcher government set about trying to increase the weight of private medicine in Britain. The number of those taking out private health insurance schemes jumped by 20 per cent in 1980.

But since then the increase in private health ELas slowed down dramatically. Since 1981 growth has been three per cent a year.

A key reason is soaring costs. For four successive years after 1983 private health insurance premiums rose faster than inflation - with a 15 per cent increase in 1986.

Chronic

This is despite the fact that private insurance schemes are, of course, careful to turn down those who have greatest need of health care and concentrate on the profitable. Kidney failure for example is not covered by the British United Provident Association (BUPA) and Private Patients Plan (PPP) - the two groups which together account for ninety per cent of private health insurance. BUPA restricts chronic coverage to 180 days in hospital a year. PPP does not cover psychiatric сате, Callal complications, or drug and alcohol dependency.

Their schemes are also particularly biased against the elderly. A BUPA spokesperson admitted: The elderly have both heavier use of hospital care and once in hospital tend to stay longer, pushing premiums up..We only have

about 300,000 people past retirement age. They are at present subsidised to. some

extent by our younger subscribers. But

SO, for them are

expensive. If they got tax relief, many

more thousands would continue their

cover.

Despite thebe restrictions a Bupacare plan providing coverage for a married

couple aged between 30 and 49 with a family costs f952 a year for the use of London hospitals, f614 for large centres outside London and £513 in rural areas. With such prices, while private health insurance has been rising it still only Lovels

It is for this reason that the private medical companies, and the Tory right wing, led by Social Services secretary John Moore, are so strongly pressing for tax relief on private medical insurance. This has already been introduced for anyone with private health insurance earning under £8,500 a year but virtually all the two million plus policy holders,

million people,

The result is that the number of private

insurance is still very low. Only about one quarter (586,000) of those with private health insurance take it out individually. More than a half (1,160,00) are covered by company schemes. The rest (391,000) are in some form of group scheme.

Private

The therefore concerhed to bring about a dramatic increase in the proportion of the population using private medicine.

proportion population covered by insurance went above 10 per cent for the first time since the creation of the NHS. Running down the NHS is seen as one way of increasing this figure As The Independent reported:

Conservatives advising government that private health insurance will grow naturally if the squeeze on the NHS is maintained. The other crucial measure is introducing tax relief on private neal lsurance senemies

Far from 'aiding the NHS', as on official Tory ideology private medicine is supposed to do, such tax relief would immediately strike a major blow against the public health service. As Malcolm Dean noted in the Guardian: 'Extending tax relief to all, even if it was restricted to the basic rate... would mean an immediate bill of over £150 million for the government without any extra help to the NHS - tax relief at 27 per cent on the estimated f650 million spent last year on health insurance premiums last year. Tax relief would undoubtedly increase the number of people taking out insurance because it would cut the cost by 27 per cent (or 25 percent if the basic rate is reduced). Just how many extra is difficult to predict. It is precisely because it strikes such a direct blow at the NHS that tax relief private health, insurance schemes is a political hot potato.

Battlefield

While the government has so far had limited success there is no doubt that it is beginning to shift the balance in health

care. For example the number of NHS

beds fell by 41,000 between 1979 and 1985 while the number of beds for acute cases in the private sector rose by 3,600.

The government has decided to take the opportunity of the crisis in the NHS to take a step forward in its plans for degutting the health service and setting in place an economically and socially inef

ficient and irrational, but privatised, health service. That is why even when it has every economic means to increase spending on the NHS it refuses to do so. Its political goals take priority.

This is why the entire the entire NHS has become a battlefield

THE NURSES strikes have brought to public attention the crisis in the nursing profession. But this crisis is not new. Already at the beginning of last year Nursing Times ran an article When the tap runs dry, showing a likely shortage. of some 10,000 trained nurses by the year 2004.

In the past the NHS has just managed to replace the 30,000 nurses who leave annually with new students and some qualified staff returning to nursing However, the number of young women with between five "O' levels and two A levels leaving school is falling due to population changes. At present nursing recruits about 25 per cent of this group but by the mid-1990s it will, if nothing else is done have to increase this to over 50 per cent.

By Geoff Ryan, nurse, Manchester Royal Infirmary

This would by itself create a major staffing problem, even if everything else was fine. Everything else is far from fine.

Of course, compared to many of the low paid ancillary workers in the NHS nurses are very well paid. However in comparison with other "professions nurses rewards are very poor.

A nurse earns £7,300-f8,600 a yea compared £7.600-£14,300 for teacher, £7,700-€12,800 for social worker, and £8,400-£14,000 for a police constable. Further up the scale the picture is the same. Senior teachers, principal social workers and police sergeants

Crisis for

nurses

starting salaries are all higher than the maximum pay of a ward sister/charge soulse

Nurses fare in : London weighting allowances, rent allowances and so on, and, unlike the police, do not receive free prescriptions, dental treatment etc.

Any extra pay for 'unsocial hours' is therefore a necessary part of a nurse's pay. But nurses have one of the worst shift payments systems in Britain.

Unsocial hours' payments only begin at 8pm and the payment for week ends was reduced two years ago from 33 per cent to 30 per cent for Saturdays (same rate for early and late shifts) and from 66 per cent to 60 per cent for Sunday working and bank holidays.

Most nurses work shifts - although traditionally there has been a separate night-shift However in many health authorities are now trying to change existing shift systems.

Some authorities have now abandoned a separate night shift and all staff have to BICS ON rotation. At the government's instigation health authorities are also trying to reduce the amount of overlap between the morning and afternoon shifts.

All this has effects on both patients and staff. For staff it has meant that those on late shift work later in order to allow the night shift to begin work later,

while those on early shift have to start sooner in order to further reduce the night shift. The biggest losers are those

working nights who now have to work an

extra night per month for the same pay.

Overlap Patients suffer because the afternoon

overlap is often the only time when many

jobs can get done - wnen nurses Ila.

have some time to sit and talk to patients

In psychiatry the afternoon is often the

only time when it is possible to take pa-

tients off the ward (whether for treat-

for specific problems such

agrophobia which cannot possibly be

dealt with other than off the ward, or for

outings, which are a necessary part of life

for the elderly mentally ill spending the

rest of their days in hospital).

student suffer from any

reduction in the shift overlap as this is

often the only time when qualified nurses

are available to teach them. The reduc-

tion in overlap can mean an in ease risk of violence for nurses, the vast ma jority of whom are women, as hospitals are built in badly lit res areas.

Low staffing levels normally auras

the Midlands children unable to hase surgery because of lack of nurses. However, low levels of constant featare of work in the Ta In far from unusual for only one nurse to be on a ward. Low kuds or fing means that nurses are tract , the standard of care they woek ik have to work hard simply it cost: tients receive the most basic a SeE levels have to be maintained ta ste Ise al bank nurses agenc whatever their individual attrie not be as aware of the needs e: je = dividual patients as full time se

This constant struggle to basic care demoralisation amongst staff - expressed through increasing levels of sickness which in turn put greater stress on those who carry on working. In order to maintain staffing levels some 60 per cent of nurses work overtime, often without pay or time off

under health authorities have also been selling off accommodation. This has led to a

crisis, particularly in London. Whilst it is possible for nurses in some areas to buy houses or flats the explosion of house prices in London and the south east puts even the cheapest property out sce me aire or muse duise. • Not sur prisingly the greatest nursing shortage is in the four Thames health authorities

Despite the view amongst nurses for the need for more NHS accommodation little is done to rectify this situation. Moreover there is a need for accom modation for all grades of staff in the NHS, not just nurses. The problem of accommodation will combine with the problem of low pay even more when the poll

tax is introduced, further exacerbating the problems of staffing levels.

Discharging

To make matters worse there has been a dramatic increase in the number of

people being treated in hospital. But this

increased treatment has only been

achieved by discharging patients much more quickly. Therefore nurses both in hospital and in community services are having to deal with patients who are usually more ill than in the past. The pace of the work is quickened for nursing staff and the level of stress is increased.

Finally the role of the nurse is now

expanding.

Whilst such steps benefit both nurses

and patients they clearly increase the level

of stress under which nurses work. The

nurse takes on extremely skilled tasks,

acts as a counsellor, defends the rights of

patients and has a continually expanding

role in the teaching of nurses (and often

of medical staff, though they would

perhaps be reluctant to admit this.

Nursing itself developed with an ex.

ceptionally strong and reactionary

regime, basing itself on the twin tradi-

tions of religion and the military, foster-

ing the notions of 'vocation' in which the

nurse was expected to devote her entire

life to the care of the sick (on marriage

women were no longer allowed to con-

tinue nursing)

Today much of that ideology is unde

attack from within nursing. Women are

questioning why male nurses achieve

promotion at a much faster rate than

women. There is an increased awarenes

of the importance of assertiveness and

training courses have been established.

Traditional attitudes of medical staff to

women, whether as nurses or as patients

are being questioned.

In short the growth of the women's

movement is having a marked impact in-

side nursing, particularly amongst stu-

dent nurses who have often been at the

forefront of the current wave of protests

• inside the NHS.

Page 8 scan of this page

Uprising in Gaza

The Palestinian uprising and the PLO

Israel: the monolith cracks

8

'violence on both sides.

even in a 'homeland'

THE UPRISINGS within the occupied territories

orientation.

The PLO has traditionally seen liberation as coming from Israeli state, whether this is in the form or action the Arab regimes, guerilla

diplomatic manoeuvres.

1974, Fatah, the bourgeois nationalist fac-

headed by Yassar Arafat, has oriented the PLO towards reaching an accommodation with imperialism and the Arab states around the project of a Palestinian mini-state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip

This 'realistic' goal it practice replaced the officially declared objective of destroying the Zionist state through a protracted 'people's war.

La transitional demand the call for a PalestiTHE DIVISIONS among the supporters of the Israeli state which have opened up at an international level as a result of the Palestinian uprising in the occupied terrotories have also found a reflection within the Zionist state itself. Although these divisions represent tactical disagreements framework of Zionism, unleashed present Zionists in the Israeli state.

Polarisation: has been growing within the Israeli

tate for a long time. Th break-up of he nationa consensus He I speeded by the traumatic experience of the invasion of Lebanon the first

that Zionism had been unable hold together its forces during war and by the depth

nd length of the present Palestinian uprising.

The Israeli national ulty covertment te is the perverse logic of Zionism hat allows ultra-right Liked .and the Labour Party to unite) is coming

Socialist Action March 1988 THE uprising in the Israeli occupied territories has continued, and unmasked Israeli repression increased. The crisis confronting the Israeli state is perhaps deeper than it was at the time of the invasion of Lebanon. Fractures are beginning to appear within the pro-Zionist forces, not just internationally but in the sraeli state itself.

In this context Neil Kinnock's antics on his recent visit to the region are disgraceful. Kinnock began with some reasonably strong statements against Israeli military violence. But before long, in true subservient form, he was in rapid retreat referring to

He then proceded to assert that Israel should retain the Golan Heights, annexed from Syria; warn Palestinians against holding out for full sovereignty

never mentioning the and the resonance they have struck within the Israeli state itself poses serious challenges to the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) leadership's present

nian state could create the for mobilising Palestinian LIC Hilasscu within the occupied territories and even the possibility of winning section of the Isaeli working class. However, the independence of such a state would be illusory unless it was coupled with a strug

tionary Hashmetite monarch Jordan

Zionism in its crimes

This course would be anathema the Fatah eadership.

For tion

while mainwithin the centrifugal forces opportunities for anti-

under increasing strain as the uprising continues and петА101! condemnation rises.

By Rashid Ashraf

For the Likud the uprising presents an opportunity further to the right. They

defence of, and 1 CE Zionist expropriation the occupied territories

propriated nearly 40 per

possibility of a Palestinian state; and float support for the Hussein/Peres option of substituting Jordanian for Israeli rule in parts of the occupied territories.

The Observer on 21 February described Kinnock's meeting with the Israeli foreign mimster, Peres, as a 'love-in', where, according to Kinnock's aides, the two had found almost total identity of views.

Support for the Hussein/Peres option places Kinnock to the right even of forces in the US government who are favouring an 'international peace conference to establish a Palestinian 'homeland' in the occupied territories,

On these pages RASHID ASHRAF looks at current developments in the Palestinian movement and in the state of Israel and an article by RALPH SCHOENMAN takes apart. two states' proposals. taining a formal commitment to the destruction of the Israeli state. Instead of leading an anti-imperialist struggle based on the oppressed

Palestine, Arafat sought a negotiated settlement with the Israeli state with the help imperialism, Arab regimes. and even

This policy, based on the forlorn hope that the Zionists would negotiate a withdrawal from the occent of the * land in the territories occupied 1967. Continued support for apartheid policies, and

castine about for methods of 'encouraging' a transfer

of more Palestinians into neighbouring the cornerstones of the

response to le uprising

For the Labour Party the uprisings are incentive to pursue more vigorously reaching an understanding with aims contain the Palestinians by turning the West Bank and Gaza into bantustans policed either by Jordan

with the Israeli state. This Phe obiectives set by

objectives for the PLO except that he sees himself, rather than tbe Zionists, administering the liberated' territories with Jordan.

The Communist Party, • and the Democratic Front

cupied territories was doomed failure. Moreover the left factions within the PLO, and even

radical nationalists were potential threat to Arafat's plans.

Following the Zionist invasion of Lebanon

and seige Beirut, Arafat entered negotiations with the US for the evacuation of the PLO from Lebanon. The evacuation removed the last remain-

peace The uprisings took it by initially the

calling

the state in

with the CORINNY truggle

through local although nationally the party

which and left with various •Palestinian currents,

Palestinians withdrawing

the lack o democracy over-

of Israelis

These divergences

generally.

ing autonomous base of

fighters and strengthened Arafat's

the PLO. dependent state. in the oc The plan incupied territories now gave way to a demand for Jordanian-Palestinian confederation the option favoured by Reagan Presently this takes the form of Arafat calling for an international peace conference.

The uprising in the occupied territories has for the first time shifted the axis of the liberation strug

into 'ralestine response to the anger and uprisings are frustration that has built Zionist under 20 of

oppression. The waves of demonstrations

have united young and old, camp and city dwellers, and cut across all classes taneous actions soon led to The initially Peace Now, a Jewish-only

group allied to the Labour Party, sprang up in opposition to the war in Lebanon. At that time it was able • MODISI 400,000 people the streets to demandi return of the Zionist troops.

However because could not break out of the Zionist straitjacket, it has been almost paralysed by the present uprising na failed call withdrawal of troops from the occupied territories -a demand which has far more serious implications for the Israeli state than withdrawal from Lebanon. Lebanon.

Several weeks into the

Hunde demonstrations. But the slogans raised were for a 'political soluțion'

long the lines of a joint

dan over the occupied ter-

attempts activists to

committees

in Gaza Irom

Popular for the

of Palestine Democratic for the Liberation of Palestine

from SCHiL this will serious

to gain the territories

The • the fundamen-

BUNS SN

Zionists pro-

a sort of bet-

camps a. ritories, proposed by the Labour Party.

Another organisation sprang response to the Lebanes

Yesh Gvul (Enough' or "There is a Frontier is a movemen of reserve soliders which

moved further than Peace Now. Even before the uprising there was

developing Yesh Gul about refusin

tle territories.

The uprising gave a strong impetus to those opposed to serving in the occupied and helped to regenerate the

appeal. organised demonstration of several hundred people at roadblock on the border of the Israeli state and the Gaza Strip. The demonstration was in opposition to the • being committed in the occupiec territories and called

International

their efforts have been directed against thẹ Zionist troops.

. The uprising nów pose sharp •questions for the Palestinia liberation movement. The dinlo male Halecuve of the Arafat leadership have led the movement into a dead

The leftist factions themselves compromisec

the alliances with various regimes, have failed to challenge Fatah and develop an alternative bas ed on the independent interests of the oppressed masses of the region.

The PLO can go forward if rejects the

of Fatah, bases itself on the thousands of SOW drawn into struggle in the occupied territories and within the Israeli state and reorganises itself in accor

- that the struggle has

the heart of Palestine itself. soldiers not to obey the orders to beat up people

If the uprising continues protracted period with rising Zionist casualties and more information about the repres sion seeping through the Israeli censorship, we can expect this movement to grow strongly.

• For a description of

the Pot see Protein of

see International Marxist Review, spring 1987.

International Viewpoint carries regular interviews and reports from the occupied territories and

See particularly issues 133 and 134 for interviews with Israeli anti-Zionists on which these articles are based.

Both publications are available from OTHER BOOKS, PO Box 50, London N21 2XP.

Page 9 scan of this page

and the West Bank

A Palestinian 'bantustan' in the West Bank and Gaza

International

ON 18 ly, pe Arabs end to the Gaza Strip.

January, Hanna Siniora, editor of Al-Fajr, specified how Israeli and Palesținian 'national rights' might be ensured at an international peace conference.

Jordan, and a Palestinian state like that of the Benchex countries -Luxemburg'

'Palestinians, inclüding Arafat, wonld accept

Half l interim step toward independence, Siniora said. 'Autonomy is a step that would lead eventually to negotiations between the state of Israel and the PLO ending in a Palestinian state emerging as a result of those negoti iations.

An1or Secretary of State George Schultz in Washington 28 Japuary to discuss this

United States always had one core objec tive: the cradication of the tall an resistanice

In te aftermath of the recent Palestinian uprising in the West Bank and Gaza, a growing wing of the US ruling class has joined the call for the establishment of a Palestinian mini-state in the West Bank as a means toward accomplishing this objective and preventing the "destabilisation' of the entire Arab East.

George Ball, who served as under secretary of state under the Kennedy and

teaseraogis. recently spelled out how the SHTe9 BaLCoi and Israel should approach an international peace conference.

'Israel's security worries could be largely met by writing stringent, enforceable safeguards into a lornial Leaty,. new (Palestinian) state any armed force of its own and limiting the numbers and kinds of weapons available

Palestinien week

prominent Jews and

tes which called for an l occupation of the West Bank and the

In an interview with the Reuters press service on 18

Siniora called for 'an association among Israel,

with a demilitarised West Bank as the

to its police

As a further safeguard, the settlement could require installation of surveillance posts larger, numerous and more effective than those now functioning in the Sinai under Israel's agreement

Iul wy (w0s 28 Times, January

Ball explains that the establishing • fcti he openly admits would be a

Th Schoenman

Palestinian state in the West Bank' is'a-matter of urgency, 'If the United States cocs. not seriously sogcther Bal the parties

warns, the warfare in the Holyland will spread and intensify; sooner or later, the neighbouring Arab states

even Egypt dragged into the maelstrom

The "maelstrom' that this imperialist spokesperson so strongly fears is the emancipation of the Arab masses of the region from the Israeli colonial-settler state: from the feudal sheiks

the Gulf and Arabian peninsula; and trom the Egyptian regime, which has rednced the WULACO and peasants of Egypt to a level of poverty unknow even under King Farouk.

The appeal for mutual recognition and for a peace

conference set up Palestinian 'rump state" will do no service to the Palesti-

nian people.

Those who call for mutual recognition argue that there are two peoples and that each should be entitled to national nghts that is, a state The Palest nians, it is implied, shou) close the book on pre-1967 Israel statelet on the West Bank

Others who hold this position have argued on the basis of 'realism' that only by accepting the fact of the israel state can the jews Df induced to support the idea of Palestinian statehood.

These views are based

profound misunderstanding nature of the conflict and of the dangerous consequences of such advocacy

Peace is inconceivable between racist Israeli enclave .WiRie even the

*tociatis Nestinians trom-

Palestinians full membership in its kib

the Arat

peoples of the regin

In could recoğnise Israel in good faith. Some 90 per cent of the land in Israel is administered by the National Fund under rules which require that those who ease or •settle land

prove that they descend

Jewish mother,

grandmother, and greatgrandmother.

If, in the United States,

we had to prove the absence (ree euel UsIMaS I0

to enjoy elementary rights

one would doubt the

racist character of such a Slait

Not one Zionist group-

ing supports even

"separate but equal Palesti-

nian state. Even the best of

Inem insist llal istaci malu

tain its full military might

disarmed.

Labor Alignment

and Likud reject even this.

To advance the view that a

Palestinian state would be

permitted by any Zionist

government is to succumb

to what C Wright Mills called 'crackpot realism'

As to the illusion that the recognition of the state of Israel would remove a Wrdiul from quite the opposite would occur. The ionist politi cians would then be able to say that even the 'terrorists' have been forced to accept Israel

They would say that 40 years of firrational intran. Sutelcc were responsible for the conflict and that at last it is clear that the only Palestinians w nou Israel can deal are the ones who all along accepted the Israeli state.

Were South Africans to advocate an international conference predicated upon Sou reseran regime the the guarantee of its security, and the policing of a black entity by apartheid

gime itself, go one would

socia, and political en caning of such a BISi'sOl

An international conference designed to legitimise the security interests of apartheid Israel in exchange for a Palestinian

Bantustan' can never be viable except if a Palestinian leadership were to provide this plan with protective colouration.

Such án • outcome will merely hand to the PLO the unenviable task of policing the Palestinian people and

converting self-determination into another sad replica of the country. selling regimes which plague the Arab masses

from Jordan to Syria and from Egypt to the Gulf.

It was but a few years ago that no Palestinian nationalist would dare .

For herself asociae

with so blatant an effort to betray struggle for Palestinian self- ole. yeals of

determination and emancipation, let alone translate

the Palestinian cause into a Dica lor a roie l preser vile

the status quo in the region

- with its grinding poverty and relentless exploitation and subordination to US imperialist control.

The rights of the Palestinian people Vall never be adyanced in this way.

The alternative is before us in the upsurge oi the Palestinian masses. The struggle awaits a political strategy which poses the

dismantle the NCCt Zionist state of Israel and to establish a democratic and secuiar r'aicstmnc.

Such a programme was fict advanced by Aratat's Fatah organisation in 1968 - though it has since been shunted aside in favour of

'mini-state proposal, The democratic Palestine of Fatah's vision was one 'in which Jews ana raicsu. nians would live as equals and without discriminatArafat

described his proposal as follows:

We were saying "no" to the Zionist state, but we were saying "yes" to the Jewish people of Palestine.

them we wole saylll. "You are welcome to live in our land, but on one condition You must be prepared to live among us

equals, not as dominators.'

We must not advocate a peace based .on acquiescence, a peace based on a 'Bantustan' policed by Israel andits agents

We must link our demands for the release of all the political prisoners in the West Bank and Gaza and for an end to the deportations of Palestinian activists to demands which address the root of the conflict in the Middle East -that is, the very existence of the state of Israel.

Ralph Schoenman is the former general secretary of the Bertrand Russell Peace otrativi This article first appeared in the US paper Socialist Action in a longer version.

Socialist Action

rapprochment

with Israel

ON 13 May last year Vasilyev, assistant director of the Institute of Africa of the USSR Academy of Sciences, wrote an article in the Moscow daily Izvestia in support of the idea of an international conference on the Middle East. Vasilyev's article is revealing:

By Ralph Schoenman

"To put an end to the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Soviet Union favours an international peace conference ... A close examination oi our pro posals will show that they

iu CIOCE U lI rights and security sre . . lnt existence of the state of Israel cannot be debated at international conterence.

Vasilyev's support to Israel and his concern for

security the tionale the Zionist state has always used to crush the Palestinian people should come as no Surprise. The Soviet Union

along with the Unted States, •tSUIC of the first to recognise the Palestinians.

March 1988 9

Gorbachev signals

Zionist state in 1948.

is nonetheless somewhat surprising thal on 19 January this year at the moment the Israeli government imposing a policy of cot

the insurgent people of the West Bank and Gaza, the Soviet :Union nounced that an Isract delegation would welcomed in Moscow to discuss the resumption of diplomatic relations.

The bureauracy broke off time with Israel following the 1967 Middle East war. But within the last year Soviet Union established a consulate in Israel.

Moreove , according .Washington Posi (20 Janury): 'Moscon of -It: said that ties (with Israel) could be resumed in the course of a Middle an East settlement process dropping its insistence that Israel first retrea from territories occupie In 190/.

This is just one mor what Sovie examole 0i leader Mikhail GOr bachey meant when

promised Ronak

Reagan that he would help promote "regional stability' in key areas of the world.

Peres and Shamir: Left and Right united against the

Page 10 scan of this page

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Page 11 scan of this page

The Ford settlement

Education — escalate the action

In the Unions

The Ford strike was the most significant private sector dispute for many years. It has resulted in an undoubted victory -shop stewards were correct to judge that more could have been exacted from a worried Ford management if the deal had been rejected.

The wage settlement of 14 per cent over two years is likely to set the pace for wage settlements throughout private industry despite government attempts to prevent this. It is also likely to promote struggen se outone seclor where the Ford workers suçCONS • wil make. Ihatcner even hold down wages

By Mary Tripp

The final deal was ac* cepted by all Ford plants except the Dagenham assembly

Dlanli Wile el VOLCU

ficials. led by the AEU's Jimmy Airlie. who had recommended earlier support of the company's three year deal, rejected.

. rushed to claim стели от и vco wicu. left to them, would never nave WOLL •As the Guardian delicately put it: 'Mr Airlie did not say that; like the management, the

leadership had failed to understand the depth of hostility to a three year pay changes in working pracLICOS. The knock on effect of

the victory on the Land Rover dispute is obvious.

But despite the victory at Fords there is no sign of either the employers or the government panic They rightly judge

Hord's reflected the substantial incréase in profitability and productivity

much of British manufacturing industry over the last 18 months.

Ford's recently reported annual results showing record profits of $4:6 billion

contributed $1.07 billion or an increase of 93 per cent. In these circumstances, unlike Land Rover, the Ford

someray condent

centenem didn't want to pay it.

the dispute did DuEL show the increased vulnerability of Ford, and almost manufacturers, to strike ac-

Hord's increasea profitability, especially in KENNETH Bakers education reform bill poses the greatest threat to state education 1945. To defeat it the widest mobilisation of the labour movement is necessary, but this is not the course of the present NUT leadership.

By Ray Sirotkin

Lambeth NUT

Prior to the extremely succesful strike action in

London on 9 February, Neil

Fletcher, ILEA: leader,

wrote Fred Jarvis,

general secretary • 200

UT, pleading with him to

call oft the action.

although the Dagenham and Halewood

Europe, is based on new production methods, learned from Japan. These involve holding down stocks

levels, cut overheads, and cutting out aupicale sources of supply. • Both these methods can be uscu uy Japan - where the possibility of industrial action is low. However the speed with which the strike hit reveals the problems faced by: manufacturers in-

to Europe - where unions

Lowering overhead casts by cutting back on stocks, and streamlining through instituting a single

led to an immediate knock on ettect throughout rord Europe of a strike in a single country or even plant far . cry from the 1970's when Ford, as a matter of policy, had a duplicate production line in another country for every component.

The high profits, and the knock on effect, almost certainv motivated rord's parent company in Detroit to step 1n and insist on a rapid settlement. vulnerability shown to the

Ford workers confidence for future struggles. And it

certain that the vulnerability SOCI IS nol confined to Ford.

The successful stoppage . caused by the strike leaves Ford

workers in a belter position to resist the next round of the company's oftensive through flexible working.

great play of its claim thạt

Nissan plant in while the Tyne and wear produces cars at a labour cost of £315.

Polit

Halewood £500

Both the willingness of AEU and TGWU officials to accept the original company OLCA alu Airle's statements: during the dispute that they were concerned to maintain a pro-

fitable Ford's shows that no nelp can de expecica non national union officials in blocking the company's of-

This pathetic call from the leader of ILEA, who is clearly incapable of fighting the Tories, was rightly nored by the NUT leadership at that time.

A rally of over 4000 teachers heard from health workers me comino fight against the Tories, this was followed by lobbying of London Labour MPs for support to those in struggle as well as parliamentary oppostuli lo Danci.

A springboard for achon has been bult. vet in stead of accelerating this the NUT leadership has not to date sanctioned strike ac tion on 8 March, thetłay of action Called involving other ILEA trade unions

101 LICI OWil

10%

NOT A PENNY

LESST

MORE!

fensive on flexibility and job conditions.

The strike secured a victory on this in forcing Ford to negotiate local agreements with the unions on flexible working but the company clearly sees this as a problem to be overcome as rapidly as possible.

Ford is already gearing un tor the battle to come by reviewing its policy of producing components from survival.

lained by the NUT leade! shin's total opposition the leadership of the NUT in inner London. The ILTA leadership is the most leit wing leadership in the union and has led militani action in defence of London jobs, living standards and level of service provision.

Alongside this the NUT takes pride in being a 'nonaffiliated' union which is 'non-political. The union cannot avoid itself in politics, and the rea interpretation of this 'non political' status is that it has a strategy of allving. witt what it sees as 'progressive forces from all parties, in-

FICIAL

GAL

ALL OUT FOR THE FULL CY AIMI

JPPORT

THE

NOTA STRING TR FORD

• OFFICIAL

PICKET

only one soulla In Senior Ford

Europe have indicated that

some duplication of pro:

duction will probably be

reintroduced to guard

against the devastating ef-

fect of even a short term

Stoppage. But this expensiv Le will use llanc Llo aul.

pany more anxious to

crease its profitability

through a flexibility offen-

SIVe.

cluding the Liberal Party.

Ference por Paddy

Paddy

Ashdowm speaking, and

gave him a full page in The

Teacher (the

newspaper). Not surprising-

PICKET LINE BASEE: DO NOT

CROSS

Ford's was significant as

the most substantial victory

gained TO] some

against the employers of-

fensive. It will give every

section of workers more

confidence.

only make Thatcher more

there are the minimum of

knock on ettects to othel

sectors. In particular

will be determined to hold

the line in the public sector.

ly, Ashdown used the space

given to attack any notion

teachers, rather than attack-

Ing Dakel

As always with such

'popular frontist' strategies,

real possibilities of mass ac-

tion are abandonned in

oraer lo nola logenel al

alliance with the bour-

geoisic

This is why the NUT

has so far refused to call for

strike action along with

other • trade unions i on 8

March,

Only mass action, , not

an alliance with the Liberal

Party and Paddy Ashdown,

That is -should be

nrenared on a condon-wide

basis for 8 March.

Socialist Action March 1988

Profit and loss

200

0. 82

-200

-600

-800

Land

rover

strike

solid

THE strike of 6000 workers at Land Rover is facing much tougher opposition than the strike at Ford. Indeed, following the setback at Ford, the government is stepping up its efforts to force Land Rover management to stand up to the strike.

On Tuesday 23 dispute, Thatcher weig hed day two of the dispute,

with clear threat directed management — give in to

workforce and the government WIll cut financial support to the company.

Her aim is to take revenge Land _Rovel workers for the successful strike at Ford. clearly wormed by the face The employers that average earning rose by 8.5 per cent in the year to last December. A year ago the annual rate of growth was 7.5 per and the last time that earn

rent level was in 1982

At Land Rover pressure from the government is felt particularly sharply — manacement of Land Rover totally dependent on government

AB Micro

strike against

single union deal

MEMBERS of the newly formed Manufacturing, Science, Finance union and APEX at AB Micro in the Rhondda Valley, Wales, held a 24 hour strike on 23 January, against managements attempts to impose a single union agreement.

• AT beginning of February management in-

the plant that they planned to institute a single union agreement and existing

recognition was terminated

The AEU went ahead and negotiated

union agreement. Manage , ment are now walling 101

the AEU sign the

The agreement would

mean recognition would be

withdrawn from the MSF

11 ROVER GROUP PERFORMANCE

Vehicle sales

inousanos

600

300

200

84

UK Market share 85 SINCE 1982

support to maintain profitability and develop nev models.

Unlike Ford, Land Rover has been experiencing deep financial dif-

over the last fem years, with a falling share of the British market and low profit rates

But despite that, That cher's threat to withdran financial support bluff. As was made cleai when the government wa forced to back down over plans Eleo er or Land Rocer, American

British capital, and final even the government, not prepared to see Lane Rover pass intr foreign

nands - let alone clos

The company clain that their current pay offer amounts to 14 per cent UVC. two , years approx imately the level of Ford settlement. But fact, with consolidation of bonuses into the basic pay it amounts to no more than 8 per cent.

•The determination of the workforce was in dicated by the solid response to the strike call, with mass pickets assembt-

at all the company's main gates. That mination will be needed in what looks like it will be a tough fight. and APEX. New terms and CO SOLI are negotiated without the staf

The staff unions were so outraged that they ballotted for action. The vote was 89:3 in favour of action. For two weeks shop _stewards and fulltime officials of the two unions tried to persuade management wilnaraw. but to no aval so it was decided to strike lor one day. The strike wa completely solid and pro duction WaN SCYCICI • affected.

Staff unions are still hoping management will withdraw the single union agreement.

The TUC nationally has been normet and written to the AEU telling tel to lake no piccipitau action. MSF has referred

the whole matter to the TUC's disputes committee

Page 12 scan of this page

Defend abortion rights

THE 19 March demonstration against David Alton's anti-abortion bill is now jointly sponsored by the Labour Party well as the campaign and the TUC.

to be turned into through London on 19 March. The Scottish TUC and the North-west TUC have booked trains and fleets of coaches have been hired from other areas. All this transport must be filled for the day to be a success.

The January meeting of the Labour Party NEC agreed to jointly sponsor the demonstration. and Is circulating all women's

and CLPs with material about the march.

The TUC is producing its own leaflets advertising

march which can be ordered from TUC through individual unions.

Other unions,. like NUPE and NALGO, alc producing LaCH OWIl material for circulation to branches.

Registered as a newspaper with the Post Office.

Published by Cardinal Enterprises, PO Box 50, London Nu.

SociAlist

ACTION

BUILDING AN ALLIANCE FOR SOCIALISM

All out on

19 March!

NOto Alton

YESto

choice

Fight Alton's Bill

This support from the entire labour movement has

banners and people marching

Other unions, including the TGWU and the NCU have played an active role in the meetings with the TUC to plan ue maicu However local activity, contacting union branches and workplaces, sul life every Labour Party ward is covered, and that student unions are mobilising, will be necessary to turn this formal support into a mass demonstration. successful demoncentral to ine stage of fighting

SINEND O BEN E

ISIMON FO

SARAH JANE

HACKNEY, EMPI

against the Alton bill. The parliamentary committee established after the second reading to examine the bill has not yet begun to meet, though it will do so very

The membership of the committee is composed of straightforward

THE socialist press has never been able to survive solely on the income from sales, and Socialist Action is no exception. In order to meet our production costs we need to raise a definite amount over and above our regular income.

us money because they know that we depend upon their support to survive. We have recently looked into our budget for the coming year, and in order to break

CRIMES

ENSIBLE BOOTWEAR

PAULINE MELVILLE

ALOTTE CORNWALL abortionists on Alton's side, and clear pro-choice members on the other side.

On Alton's Ann Winterton MP withdrawn, to be replaced

by Nicholas Bennett MP, a member

exècutive. However, despite

up the

Many of our readers and subscribers already send

NO

TO ALTON

YES

TO CHOICE

FIGHT THE

ALTON BILL

DEMONSTRAIE

19 MARCH

Called by TAB

(Fight Alton's Bill Campaign/

TUC/Labour Party

committee it may well be amended" committee stage, by -Alton's supporters, to a 22 or 24 week limit, instead of the existing 18 weeks.

If the bill is amended in this way it will be even more difficult to ensure its defeat the third and final reading, unless minimum, all Labour MPs committed vote alc against it.

The largest possible showing on the streets on 19 March will help step up the pressure on MPs to vote in line with women's abortion rights. The rally will be addressed by representatives of the labour movement and pro-choice movement, doctors and representatives of health service workers.

While the task of FAB is to defeat the attempt 1967 Alton to amend the Abortion Act, women's abortion rights are being.

£8000 Fund drive

even on our production costs we need to raise &. over the year. We are therefore launching an $80 Publications Fund to underwrite the paper.

We hope that you

on how we are doing in meeting our targets.

fund),

No reduction in time limits

undermined every the cuts in the NHS smaller and

able to get free abortion on the NHS, ane most have to pay for abortion at privaté clinics.

Alton would do hundred times

make late abortion unnecessary by joining the

campaign for the detence of the NHS and the extension of eariv abortion tacilitie. introducing legislation by NHS clinics, than by

criminalise women and doctors.

It is indicative of the

sheer hypocrisy of the

arguments of Alton and his

supporters on the subject of

late abortion that they ar

not seen in the vanguard o

the NHS

the struggle Ior

Most of those Tory MPs

who will be supporting

Alton's bill, will also vote

allocating more

funding to the NHS, and

will organise fund-raising activities as well as simply digging into your pockets. In each issue of the paper we will bring you up to date

Send your cheques or cash to Socialist Action Fund Drive, PO Box 50, London N1 2XP. Cheques should be made payable to Socialist Action (publication

U

BODIES

R

U

CHOICE

FRONT ALONE BE

NO DEDUCTES IN ASE UNIT

would probably also vote against • having access to free abortion on the NHS at all, unless they were at death's door.

Yet it is by adequate funding for a network of outpatient abortion clinics, with a self-referral system, that late abortion can reall be reaucea. Lale abortol will always be necessary for women develop problems during pregnancy or who do not find out they are pregnant until later or but it is through safe and easy eanty abortion that such cases can be reduced to a minimum.

Late abortion is not a pleasant or easy choice for any woman, but precisely those women who need late

most desperate the most in need of abortion rights. The march on 19 March is to defend the rights of those women

← Socialist Action No. 177, 22 January 1988Socialist Action No. 179, April 1988 →

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