SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

Fighting clause 28

· Socialist Action No. 178, March 1988 · p. 4 of the scan · 880 words

The scan: 178-March-1988-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
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page 4 of the scan

TEN THOUSAND demonstrate in January; fifteen thousand march in Manchester in February. clause 28 of the Local Government Bill is to turn the national demonstration on 30 April into an even vaster mobilisation and to draw massively into the struggle.

Since the confusion around the introduction of the queer bashing amend by chers Wilshire and Knight in December, much has now become clear. The stakes involved in this battle have been revealed to be even more serious than seemed possible at the outset.

In the first place the government has shown by the mobilisation against any amendment in the House Unal regards the proposal as its OWIL That means that any: likelihood of removing the worst features of the legislabying has effectively vanished. majorities were substantial. In fact the made at that stage which added the question of "intention' to the ban on 'promotion of homosexuality, actually made the clause sharper and more vicious.

Secondly the debate on clause 28 a debate which has probably attracted more national publicity than any olner amendment to a hil - has made it quite clear that the sponsors of the clause had every bit as reactionary wide ranging interpretation as we most teared:

London in The task now for the campaign against the labour movement They have happily clarified that they do mean to outlaw, in effect, any effort to counter discrimination. Thev have shown that the have every intention of drivlesbian and gay rights off the agenda.

We may reasonably see clause 28 not as the end, but as the start of a reactionary counteroffensive against lesbians and gay men. It is an offensive which Will have inevitably violent .consequences, as it will bring into play all bigotry stored whole history of suppresLCLGR National Committee Member (personal capacity)

sion of alternatives to normal heterosexuality in all levels of society. It will play on the unfounded fears and thoughtless loathing homosexuality lies much the violence leshians and gavs already suffer. It will exploit the terrifying backwardness of the labour movement and the left on this question, to divide the ment and to derail the resistance Fortunately the resistance has begun with a' campaign of vigour, courage militancy. Virtually every organisation of the lesbian gay Hak banded to demonstrate an astonisning campaigning ability. Tens of thousands of previously unpolitical lesbians and gays have taken to the streets this time. The demonstrations -both the big national marches and the smaller rallies -have exuded militancy, Lesbians and gay man have not going quietly or volun tarily back into the world of visibility from which have only recently begun to emerge.

It was a problem that the media attention concentrated on the aL Lo lobby campaign against clause 28, and that the arts lobby concentrated on the important but narrow question of cenThe struggle Wak thereby diverted, eyen trivialised: It is not the intention of most of the tory: bigots to ban Marlowe or Shakespeare. It is their intention to legislate iginto schools, persecute and drive out les: bian and gay teachers and council workers, outlaw equal opportunities work, and restore the fulsom normality of heterosexual family life - the world of child abuse, domestic violence, rape and incest of women. It is this aspect, and thes which must be highlighted at each stage of the campaign.

The campaign will next turn to building for the national demonstration in London on 30 April. The links already established with other campaigns like FAB must be deepened and strengthened in practical solidarity at every level. Les bians and • gay men must demonstrate their support all back against the those who Tories: the teachers, health While much valuable work has already been done on this front, win the lesbian and gay movement to consider the movement as their natural allies suffers from one considerable obstacle. That is that there is very little evidence that the labour movement is a supporter of lesbian and gay taken from December to Februar for the Labour front benc to move from a position of not opposing the amend. ment to one of standing by its twice reaffirmed parts policy and finally making a stand, the visible presence of the labour movement or the two demonsters „man been extremely small. There were a few trade union banners (including national the NUJ and Labour Party banners • fewer stil no exaggeration to say that and in particular of the party, is extremely low among activists.

The fight now must be to win trade unions and Darie DONE understanding the nature of the attack, and the urgent need to become involved in the struggle It will involve Ladice. Butthe victories ot rooted pre judice the last few years and the •clear. policie adopted by the TUC many nationa unions, the Labour should make the work easier The argument must be won also on the need councils not merely not to cave in in advance of the bill becoming law but also to strengthen commit ment to equal r rights. In thi the teaching and local govern ment unions is crucial.

Let one back Weare are not going back. going to resist the тогу onslaught. It is in the in class that we do not face it

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15 & GAYME I'D PROUD

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