This was intended to clear *- mergence of a layer decks if black collaborators at level, who LOWESHID vould be cemented in ›lace by the elections to township councils sponored by the regime in september this year.
Botha's recent statenent that "selected' black igureheads could serve as ment was following the ame tack. The strike has ruled this out with massive reassertion of support for COSATU and the UDF.
In the face of Buthelezi's opposition, the was particularly solid in Natal. There was no concerted COULLCIAL ack from Buthelezi. This the UDF BULS corated offensive in ac- COSATU province, having fought off Inkatha's attacks over bankruptcy has OCCL starkly revealed by the decision not to allow the Sharpeville 6 a retrial. This is an act of naked vengeance. Even with the police and army deployed in the Townships during the regime unable to risk the response in a massace like tho Now. with the strike over it has determined to make an example of six people, convicted hang for being part of a demonstration in which a collaborator was killed.
This is bound to goad the mass movement into more determined resistance undermine Botha's collaborators in the run up to September's Township elections. It is the job of the solidarity movement to ensure the regime pays the price internationally.
Vuitterrana 1 an
perienced bourgeois politi cian, having personali ticipated in nearly all the coalition governments Second War. Coalition ments. with no one party established as the 'natural French bourgeois party of government - unlike the Conservative party in Bri tain — had been a constant feature of French politics since 1947. It was this situanon when creatca me conditions for the semibonapartist role of the French president under De Gaulle which was built into the constitutional framework of the Fifth Republic in 1958.
In the 70s. under Giscard d'Estaing, a stable right-wing bloc of parties in ppeare to be merging which could cor stable majority within the French state.
Socialist Action July 1988