NEW FROM VERSO THIS SPRING NEW FROM VERSO THIS SPRING Taking up another crucial question the issue of developments in the trade unions is obviously absolutely central at the present time. Just before Chesterfield wrote an article for Socialist Action on the political levy. In that you took up the question of the trade union movement and the general council of the TUC. How do you see the present situation in the trade unions - in particular the policy which has become known as the 'new realism'?
What's called the 'new realism' is just the language of the media to celebrate discreetly the swing to the right among the general council. I don't think it's a new realism at all. It's the new language to describe defeatism. And of course the way in which the TUC general council is now elected, which means it longer accountable to the EW FROM VERSO STRUGGLE IN BOLIVIA 1952-1982 berley Political Straggle in Bolivia 1952-82 Rebellion in the Veins demonstrates that behind the succession of military coups in Bolivia lies an exceptional and coherent record of political struggle. The country s location at the heart of Latin America has not, however, guaranteed it the attention it deserves. Dunkerley here redresses the balance in a masterly survey of FROM VERSO Bolvian society since the early 1950s Cloth £20.00, paper £5.95. Published in May.
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The Sunday Times New Society £5.95 Available in April. gress but is on a different electoral system has contributed to that.
But having said all that, it's also necessary lo say lal some or the radicalisation that's now occuring is occuring in areas which you might be slightly surprised to find For example if you take the question of whether the TUC should continue to attend NEDDY or not it is David Basnett of the General and Municipal Workers, and Alan Tuffin of the Communication Workers, who are most determined that they shan't. So one should because a process is being described in the way you say - the new realism you must never assume that there is some necessary public service unions, and white collar unions with conservatism. Indeed some of the strongest radicalism may well emerge from those unions that are by Edited and Introduced by *isabeth Burgot-Debra I.. RIGOBERTA MENCHU An Indian Woman in Guatemala Rigoberta Menchu is a young Guatemalan peasant woman, dready tamous in net country as a national leader. whose life reflects the expenence or repression ana resistance common to so many Indian communities in Latin America. The anthropologist Elisabeth BurgosDebray has undertaken an ambitious series of nervews win Mencol Cloth £18.50, paper f5.95. Published in June.
V Verso Editions "The book has deservedly become a classic. NLB 15 Greek Street Teac London WI no means made up of members in blue overalls, who work HOOT Again that's Hobsbawm is wholly wrong in his political action LOVC NCIE ference in Sheffield of the Broad Left Organising Committee) is about the refounding of a socialist tradition within the trade union movement. Its very straightforward. never assume inal Perhaps you could develop that just a little DIE more. connection between not simply position the trade unions occupy within society but that they were one of the traditional areas of weakness of the left itself.
on the factory port of the CLPs. think But what we need is a campaign for in lne trade union and the 24 March conObviously it's inthat changed.
Bevan conpolicy, have unliulis.
sistently voted down by the bloc vote of the trade unions while enjoying the supHow do you see the question of building a left wing to fight for political trade unionism, as you put it?
You've got to be clear about it you know. This theory and I'm not saying for a moment that you embrace it, but this theory that you're describing, is that what happened in the Labour Party from 1979-83 was a product of a bed. sitter brigade who moved from constituency to constituency. It is rubbish.
It was the policies of the TUC, and the policies of the Labour conference in which the trade unions predominate And the whole idea of scapegoatism, which first of all explained everything that happened in terms of constituency parties, then in terms of the so-called Militant domination of the constituency parties, then in terms of a few named individuals (of whom I was one) was of course totally untrue.
None of these changes could have been carried through — neither the EEC view, nor the anti-nuclear view, ter. nor the demand for a socialist industrial For industrial democracy, or reselection or electoral college - could been carried through without overwhelming support from the trade So there is a complete change from the davs when Bevan was fighting against what were then very autocratic trade union leaderships who were the practollan guard of a right wing parliamentary party. That's no longer true. And I don't believe it will ever be true again. So one has to see the question in that context otherwise you begin to believe the left is weak. It isn't weak at all it's very strong. If you doubt it look at the amount of time the media and civil service have to devote to trying to destroy it. Because they know it is deeply entrenched in the interests and the aspirations of active members of the Labour and trade union movement.
Now then you've got the problem of the non-active members - which is where the media come in and try to create a gap. But then when you do have an opportunity to test that out in certain circumstances, as for example in the Chesterfield by-election, it turns out that the electorate as a whole are prepared to accept and support policies that had previously been attributed to a little hard lett group living in a bedsitYou see I think there is a new perspective of confidence to be built up there without being complacent thinking there is nothing you can do. There is strength there on which to build and we must build on it.