Socialist Action No. 56, 4 May 1984
The scan: 056-may-04-1984-SA-UK-Benn-supp.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
No. 56
30p
4 May 1984
ACTION SociAList
Inside
'Labour's alliance for socialism'
An 8 page supplement with Tony Benn
Into battle
with the
miners
NERS ASSOCIATION
SOUT
CUTTAM ARE
Page 2 scan of this page
A left independent
2 Socialist Action
ACTiON
Five years hard
Thatcher
This week is the fifth anniversary of the Thatcher government. There is no need to catalogue the price that the working class has had to pay for those years. Everyone has their own tale to tell of what Thatcher has done to them through unemployment, welfare and health democracy, or cheap labour schemes for
For five years the labour movement has faced the most determined onslaught against its rights and living standards that it has seen for fifty years. And Thatcher has got even more in he pipeline it she can deal with the miners
This sustained attack has undoubtely led to confusion, disroientation, and for a time some
abour movement. There have been some major defeats — like the NGA or GCHQ. Duffy's moves
ballots in the unions compounds this.
But despite the set backs a real fight is starting to appear. Thatcherism, by its very brutalt ty, has accelerated the beginnings of a real force for progress inside the British labour movement — a socialist force with mass support inside the
The Labour left in the post-war years concentrated on parliament and the constituencies. The fight for resolutions at the annual con-
although this was a caricature. Even in 1979-83 the fight inside the Labour Party was largely in-
But what has come out of that struggle is
elements of the type of mass politics which is
Tony Benn, even in the 1970s, was the first Labour left leader since Bevan to inspire really overwhelming mass popular support - even if it is most definately a minority of 'the masses' who
ingstone represent the same new forces.
Liverpool council has shown that a determinod at entire caty. And the local elections this
entire city. And the local elections this week will show that it becomes increasingly impossible for Thatcher to win an election in any
The mass movement against US missiles has contined to mobilise hundreds of thousands on to the streets against Thatcher's policies. But most importantly right now, Arthur whatever disagreements one has with him on Poland or women - has brought the miners into a tremendous struggle against Thatcher. This is a force with real power to change things, even stop Thatcher in her tracks, and Scargill wants
All these forces remain a minority within society and within the labour movement. Thatcher still holds sway in much of the high ground of the class struggle. And even these leaders and
But we need a sense of history. Fifteen years
Labour's left could be ridiculed by Wilson
slowly and unevenly, and because it is the only
force confronting Thatcher, the left wing of the
struggles and politics which it has not had for a
Socialism is only insolated today when it chooses to be isolated. It is creating a political culture which goes far beyond those whom The Sun chooses to slander in its columns.
Thatcher in the short term has won tremendous victories for her class. But over the longer
view she has stirred up forces that have not
been seen in British politics for many years.
In another five years time British capitalism may prefer that these devils had never been
4 May 1984 cuts, attacks on Thatcher's offer to pay for secret
WHEN NEIL KINNOCK was elected leader of the
Nothing
basic needs of the class struggle.
For the first six weeks of the miners strike Neil Kinnock first said nothing
Laer intervened to support the call the right wing of the NUM for a ballot.
Kinnock's, and Roy Hattersley's, support for a -50p levy of Labour Party members for the miners at last week's utive meeting was the case of the horse being dragged rather late, and kicking, to water.
Neil Kinnock's turn to financial support for miners came only after he had been outflanked by the actions of the Labour and trade union left itselt. Kinnock's position had been attacked oy Peter Heathfield as 'pretty mıserab e' and more publically criticised by JaCK Collins and other miners leaders public meetings up and down the country.
Neil Kinnock could not attord to tind himset in a situation where Tony EriC Heffer Dennis skinner. Eric and other labour left leaders were speaking at rallies up and down the country in support of the miners while
peared to be backing those opposing the strike.
On other vital issues Neil Kinnock has not backed struggles even verbally. On Liverpool, the other big struggle that going to dominate the summer, been openly critical of the council. On defence of the cities he clashed with Ken Livingstone at the Labour Partv local government conference on the question of obeying the law.
All this is quite aside from the support given for the continuation or witeh hunts inside the party — a
the expulsion of Tariq Ali and now over the expul-
Sometimes I like to just sit and ponder those things which are imponderable.
of Kinnock
posed the Labour Coordinating
that the of the
like strike, Liver-
cities.
very
He said that
SuDported.
had a position of
left
Thatcher.
be between
The particular initiatives ex-
ported - for example
engaged
Why is a black hole?
When is a greenhouse effect effective? Is here balm in Gilead Where is Gilead?
Which side of the picket line will Neil Kinnock be on?
clashes what Nehl Kin-
what Neil nock's positions that the Labour left must essentially
Ul salise dependently of the current Labour leadership. If Neil Kinnock does take correct positions then excellent it brings the entire Labour Party into action. But if Neil Kinnock is not prepared to support struggle or campaign then the left must be prepared to at anyway. This mean in turn the Labour left being organised independently from Kinnock.
This of course already occurs at a parliamentary level where the Campaign Group of MPs has distinct profile, organisation and activity.
A similar division exists in the constituencies and Labour Party calll paigns were the LCC made strong. and unsuccessful. bids to take the leadership of the London Labour
In this attempt it found itselt in a direct clash with the left.
Currents
Of the currents operating the constituencies to the left of, and independently of, Kinnock the one with the greatest potential is Labour Briefing.
Tribune, Labour Herald, and other papers have the insuperable problem that they are subject to no democratic control.
be exorbitant?
all time....
Militant both has thoroughly disgraceful positions on issues such as Ireland women's Ibera tion, black sections and other questions, and a sectarian project all of its UWL. Briefing both has a real
base the London Labour Party and in the last eighteen months has been spreading out nationally. has
on all key questions has a
COI responds to the needs of building up the Labour left today.
Initiative
Of course Briefing is very weak organisationally compared to what needs to be done in the Labour Par-
anything 11 UUC. ike the same have weight that an initiative by Tony Benn similar figure to unite the Labour left would have.
But Briefing does have an extremely good record
working with wide forces of the Labour left — in addition to its normal supporters
Naturally the Labour left cannot be reduced to any one organisation. Ir addition to the more or less structured political currents there are many
on individual Cabals questions both of policy and internal reform of which the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy
is still the best known
Forging these currents into
will the price of the tickets for the heat death of the universe
And the great impon. derable question of
News
Photo IN HAPPIS
Labor coherent left of the
Party involves
both much political discussion and much organisational skill.
But as the class struggle develops the basic currents within the Labour Party are becoming clearer. open right today has its bastion LING realists' of the TUC and in
• Darlamenlal y Jally and some sections of local
go the constituenress is
constituencies getting relatively weak.
The LCC, the Kinnockite' left, is trying te organise itself but is hampered by the fact that the real base of the Labour lett must be the trade unions and the • local activists in areas like Liverpool and the big cities -precisely the left Kinnock has refused to support.
The real challenge in the Labour Party today is not to build simply a small sectarian left but one capable of acting in the real class struggle A left based on the type of united action that has come up around the miners strike, defence of local government, defence of Greenham, defence unilateralism. A left that tries to unite the entire Labour Party in action but is prepared to act itself if the Labour leadership is not prepared to support those in struggle
Today, because of his actions, that necessarily means a left which is in-
dependent of Neil Kinnock.
OGORMÃC
I Will Neil Kinnock ever support a working class struggle?
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Spread the action
Scargill calls Notts march
News
Scotland
The miners have had large donations from Albion Motors in ulasgow. from the Yarrow ship
and Rolls Royce in East Kilbride. :o
but three. shipyard on Upper Clyde takes weekly mass collec tions for the dispute.
By Carol Turner
Print workers at the Glasgow Daily Record have raised £2000 with a promise of more to follow. And scottish SOGAT '82 have promised to boycott ally paper which 'interfering' articles without allowing the miners the right of reply NUPE, NALGO and ite Scottish teachers union have all made substantial donations to the dispute.
More comes from the Scottish section of the Civil and Public Servant: tion, who have appointed
areas to deal directly with
welfare benefit problems. The national conference of the CPSA's DHSS meeting mid-May, will hear an executive recommendator that this adopted country.
The arriva. o: Scortish miners, on the march from OVER 7000 trade union and Labour Party members marched through Cardiff on Saturday on the Wales TUC demonstration in solidarity with the miners.
At the concluding rally Arthur Scargill told marchers that 'the time has come to tighten the knot'
By Pat Hickey
The strike is biting, and it is now time to stop all dispensations that are rumping. The soonest ins industries dustry is hit, the sooner the strike will be successfully concluded.'
He called on all miners to join the strike,. support from all trade
citing the decision by ASLEF to levy 50p a week on all members as an example to follow.
But support must be more moral financial. Other trade unions should now the miners in the fight against the Tories.
The Scottish TUCs stait. The Wales Tue, a strike for May 9 is its conference next week will be discussing a motion from NUPE Divisional
WHEN THE SCOTTISH TUC called a day of action for the miners, the conference hall erupted with chants of 'here we go, here we go, here we go'. And Scotland is raring to go on 9 May. An 800-strong rally in Glasgow four weeks ago raised an instant €15,000 for the miners' strike. Industrial solidarity and material support has grown as each week passes.
Fife to
Polmaise
ingshire last Wednesday
with Wills
brought for
Scotland,
miners there
organising action commit-
tees In support
strike.
SON
Wick VeGare
are demonsirations Edinbur So one capital es: Scottish centres:
and home of the Scot-
tish NUM; Dunfermline,
al ine centre or ine re
coalfie de: Interness.
niemianas
ti. a coaltield town
WeST
Scotland; as
Glasgow, Aberdeen and
Council calling for similar
Clearly British
TUC must now be made to
fall into line.
The most important
call Scargill made at the
rally was for mass
demonstration In
tingham:
'I ask you to make this
national demonstration
the biggest ever seen in Bri-
tain Those
sallic police
who arguing inal
they're only giving the
workers the right to go in-
to work will kick lumps
out of lou in exactv the
same way as they are kick-
ing lumps oul or our lads
If the police say we can't
go in then we'll walk in Arrested
"If it means that we'll
be arrested for going to
our own demonstraton or
going to our own picket
mies lo lalk to mellocis o
any trade unionists, then
so be it.
The national demon-
stration Nottingham
will be a major confronta-
tion with the Tories and
the police. The blockade
of Nottinghamshire which
they are now rumning
could not stand a mas
mobilisation of miners and
The response to the call
PE
SCOTTISH
POLMAISE
WILL NOT
SURRENDER
Dundee.
There car be ne dout: thai Scottish labour movement is foremost supporting the dispute.
Scotland's Mick Mc-
vice president
Ars: :0 respond MaiGregor s attemp: las: week io intervene in ine dispute win a phone! offer to slow down pit closures.
(jit NE
Photo: NEW
The blockade of Notts would not stand up to a mass from the marchers in Cardiff made it clear that there will be massive sup-
ON THE ROAD TO SLISH McGahey said it was the hangman cherne an agre ¡ito inches a: :ope - but you end up just as dead'.
Preparations are already underway. Fain burgh has fixed its march and rally. Glasgow Trade Council will be discussing ine aar er acuor wnen l meets this Wednesday. Scottish TUC secretary Dougie Harrison
STRKE
FORTE
port for the NUM's call. It should be made the occasion for the whole move-
NUN
"IniSE SUPPOR РОСМАЖЕ
901 coLL predicted that
Mar the miners have the solid supDOTI people? the Scottish
Now it's up to the resi labou movement to respond to Arthur Scargill's call,for a march on Nottingham bi demanding the TUC organises a national day of action and makes the call All Out For The Miners! mobilisation
ment to show its defiance for the Tories and their police bullies.
NATIONAL UNI
CARDOWA
Edinburgh
branch
ference
on the miners strike.
of the Scottish NUM central strike
Edinburgh.
Ollerton picket line, Nottinghamshire. nool rally.
Socialist Action 4 May 1984 3
NOFINE WON
SCOTTISH AREA
to claim our rig,
SMOSPERITY gets organised
By Duncan Smith, NUPE South Hospitals
LAST SATURDAY delegates from TGWU, AUEW, NUPE, NALGO and the Scottish teachers union among others attended a con-
Mid Lothian and East District Trades Council to discuss progress
The meeting was addressed by the chairperson
committee which has its headquarters at Dalkeith, outside
He had just returned from a visit to
Delegates reported on regular collections being taken for the dispute. The meeting asked the NUM to provide speakers to visit workplaces in the Edinburgh area to make sure of the largest possible turn out for the Scottish TUC's day of action on 9 May. A substantial turn out is expected for a march to Meadows Park on that day followed by an after-
Page 4 scan of this page
IN AN important turn towards support for the miners' strike the Labour Party NEC last week called on all local branches to levy their members at 50p a week for the strikers.
The strike will be long - both the miners and Thatcher are determined not to lose. Thus financial support is getting and more crucial.
In south London some parties are already organising for levies. In Manchester the Rusholme ward of the Gorton consti-
Lancs NUM
offices occupied
STRIKING Lancashire miners have occupied their area union offices
Bolton declaring it the Lancashire strike headquarters.
Last Friday Lancashire called an area delegate meeting endorse the decision of the special delegate DECOLLE
all-out strike. After debate the right-wing got the meeting recalled for Mondav to allow time tor branches to discuss over the weekend
In response pickets stome for olle ast out on
strike for the five
offices saying they weren't weeks, occupied Tne
until all of
coming out
Lancs is on strike.
Bolton Trades Council
organised food and
refreshments for
over the weekend.
Monday Parkside
colliery, not previously on
strike, had mandated their
CARDIFF
MINERS from Tower
and Maerdy lodges met
with Labour Party and
trade union members to
form a support commit-
tee in Cardiff last week.
The first job for the
committee will be
collect money and food
for the strike.
Mary "wire from Maer?
miner's
dy, explained:
There's a lot of hard.
ship now. One woman,
her son and hus-
Lucy
band work at the colliery
getting £7.17 for
three.
'We're coming to the
end of all we saved. It's
only through people
But we can survive.
YOU we're not begging.
'We're telling you the
facts of life. need
HUDDERSFIELD
THE TRADITIONAL
Huddersfield May Day
Rally turned into a
demonstration in support
of the miners last Saturday
when 350 people carrying
trade union and Labour
Party banners marched
through the streets of the
town.
Speakers at the rally at
Socialist Action 4 May 1984
Labour Party calls for levy
Get money rolling in
tuency is lectione for weekly collection
levy through the membership secretary Many local parties have been collecting while canvassing the local elections this week.
Every single Labour
Party branch up and down the country should
raise this levy. It is the most vital act the Labour Party can offer material the miners right now.
This financial support must also be extended into
ASLEF has already similar agreed toe raise a
week levy from its membership. But there's no need to wait for
delegates to recommend
strike action, while
another pit, Bickershaw
Sidings only voted by two
votes to stay in.
By Phil Rogers
On Monday morning
there were sU DICKeL lO
Bold in the offices and 300
outside from Bold, Sutton
Manor and Parkside who
allow
Tensed
meeting to take place. The
oftice Was declared
strike headquarters,
and placards
Dallicis
festooned it announcis
this fact.
Sid Vincent, area
secretary, had to cancel
the meeting, and is sending
a letter to all branches
recommending abiding by
the delegate conference
decision.
The Bold pickets the union
offices say they will no
budge until every
Lancashire pit is out on
strike.
financial and moral sup-
port. The Tories want to
starve us into submission.
There's no way they are
going to win
Ve've already fough
in our valley for hospitais.
trains services and buses.
AlL WC hope working
people will unite behind us
It's not really our
1UY.
fight, it's everyones.
After the Wales TUC
march, the support com
mittee held a bucket col-
lection outside the Welsh and raised over 2500. Rugby Union final
The committee plans regular distribution of The to LP and trade Viliti
union branches, and plans
hand for tours around local factories organise levies for the strike.
the end of the march were
Euro Mia hot the arer,
Euro for the area, Laurence Conlon, of the Labour group on Huddersfield council, and Colin Sweeting, secretary of the Emley Moor NUM lodge. Collections are being organised and a social is planned.
call for it, levies can be established in every branch and workplace from now.
And it doesn t lave 10 50p a week. Kestrel Marine
Manchester May Day March NUM
SOUTHAMPTON
WELL attended meeting in Southampton heard Terry Thomas, vice president OI We South Wales miners put their case.
Other speakers included Tony Woods Chairperson of the SE region of the TUC as well as representatives from Southampton Labour Party and the local trades council.
Money was presented to the meeting by dockers, hospital workers, power workers, railworkers and post office engineers.
in Dundee raised fl0 a head one week, and is doing so for a second time In Manchester the local conted has called an emergency shop stewards' meeting in works' time to discuss support for the Arthur Scargill has been invited to speak.
At this meeting it will be argued that all the Manchester engineering facTore should with striking Lancashire pits and raise regular levies and collections.
The miners need other kinds of support too, on the picket lines and at rallies and demonstrations. But right now
Support the miners
Monday 7 May Assemble: 11am Strangeways
Rally with: Jack Taylor, President Yorks
Bob Litherland MP
Sponsored by: AUEW North and South DCs. UCH, Lancs Assoc of Trades Councils, Bold NUM
Led by Bold NUM colliery band
collection at the meeting also raised a further £150.
South Wales miners are permanently based in Southampton with an of fice provided oy NUPE district council. continual tour of workplace meetings is being organisa social evening with miners' choir is to be held on 5 May.
On that day a Hampshire-wide demonstration is being held called by the council It assembles by Asylum Green A venut Road at 11.30 and will march on to a rally at Hoglands Park
money the chief mechanism to keep the wheels of the strike rolling
Let us know about levies in your area to help inspire others to get the money going in.
- COAL NOT soon have gone away not one inch more.
Ecclestone NUJ, Paul Boateng,
MP.
the road to helping the miners win their strike.
CLEVELAND
for Durham) and
secretary of the South Tees Health
NUPE. Wendy had led 30 NUPE Earlier
members from South Tees
hospital to visit the miners' collection raised 1420 for at Deerness
pickel
the dispute fund
Amongst the decisions
taken at the meeting were:
• To picket a meeting o Cleveland Transit Ex-
ecutive, the local bus com-
, in support of moves
pany,
local Labour could-
cillors to stop any further
use of Cleveland Transit
buses for taking Cleveland
Constabulary picket-
line duty in Nottingham-
shute.
• To organise weekly YOUNG workolace collections for
the NUM hardship tund • To arrange for dona-
tions of food to be BRENDAN tralised the Mid
dlesborough NUPE fices for transportation to the Durham picket lines. Dhato trade union branches and • To encourage local
work-places to 'twin' with
NATIONAL MINEHORKERS KENT AREA!
SOLDERN BRANCH COAL COAL NOT NOT DOLE DOLE Miners' lock out LAMBETH TOWN HALL hadn't seen anything like it for years. Six hundred people jammed its main hall. All the seats were taken and others, disappointed as reluctant stewards locked the doors, had to go away to the nearest pub or cafe.
There was no doubt in anyone's mind that in south London there is a lot of support for the miners. And if you had been a bit unsure about that, your doubts would
when you heard the waves of applause that nearly lifted the roof, when Kay Sutcliffe from the Kent miners' wives called for all-out support for the miners. I am sure that after that speech Ted Knight must have felt his stirring collection appeal had been made just that little bit easier. And what a collection! All told the audience coughed up £2,250. Then Jack Collins secretary of the Kent miners took over the platform. He told the audience: 'When the Red Army stood on the Volga before the Nazies it said not one inch more. Now the British working class must say we stand on the line of the miners and tell Thatcher
Other speakers all of whom pledged all-out support for the strike, included Jake Joan Twelves from Vauxhall Labour Party, Jack Dromey TGWU and Tony Benn
Meetings like this, which was organised by Vauxhall and other south London Labour Parties shows what can be done to help the miners' struggle. Of course for Labour and trade union militants in south London the meeting is only one step along
A social is being organised for 4 May, collections and other solidarity meetings are being planned. More details from Joan Twelves on 582-2955.
CLEVELAND ASSOCIATON of Trades Councils organised a public meeting of over 200 people people in support of the miners. The speakers were:
Tom Callan, General Secretary of Durham NUM, Billy Stubbs (NUM Executive Committee member
Wendy Cousins, the branch branch of a Durham pit. to visit that pit's picket lines and pro vide regular collections of money and food.
The meeting was told by the NUM officials that the strike was 100 per cent solid the Durham coalfield, despite no strike pay being received. 'If we have then we'll eat said Billy Stubbs. A tree cafe for miners has been set up in a social club in Easington.
DONCASTER
Labour women support the miners rally
Saturday 5 May 2.30pm Hall Cross Comprehensive of- school. wateradic Doncaster Speakers include:
Joan Maynard MP Frank Cave NUM
News
Miners'
Strike
Photo: PAUL GIRPS
COAL NOT DOLE GLC Councillor, Richard Balfe, local Euro-MP Miners'
Support Committee
Bristol
Holse Koom. Viciola d
Bristol BS
Tel: 0272 293001 ex 55
Manchester
c/o FTAT, 37 Anson Rd
Victoria Park, Manchester
Preston Union epire, is narrate
North, Preston
Huddersfield
c/o Friendly and Trades
Northumberland St,
Huddersfield
Vauxhall
Tucker, averstone s
Kennington Park Estate,
London SEIl
Southall
c/o 14 Featherstone Rd,
Southall, Londor
If your local support commit
included here
means we have no address fo
Page 5 scan of this page
AcTioN
Supplement
IN JUNE 1983 the Labour Party suffered its greatest electoral defeat for a generation. It naturally provoked an enormous debate.
As a contribution to this debate JOHN ROSS from Socialist Action interviewed TONY BENN on the way forward for Labour. The interview concentrates on two topics — the relationship between democracy
I's obvious, to go back to the June election, that this was a situation in which the Labour Party vote fell to the lowest level since the First World War. How do you explain this result? What do you think is the way out of this level of support?
Tony Benn: There's no point going back over the past except to learn from it. I think if you really want to find the roots of our defeat in 1983 you have to go back to the defear of 1959, when Gaitskell responded io this by saying that the Labour Party had got to change. Labour had to abandon its socialist commitment. It had to become a social democratic party like the German SPD. And he began that process.
What Gaitskell was doing in 1959 is roughly what Hobsbawm is doing today. To introduce, using the defeat at the election as an excuse, the idea of a complete reconstruction of the Labour Party.
Gaitskell's attempt to bring about the first stage of revisionism, which was the abandonment of Clause 4, was formally defeated in the sense the conference wouldn't have it. But the impact of such a long campaign against the socialist commitment was felt right through the party and is still felt.
The second stage of revisionism was when Wilson, with In Place of Strife, began to chip away at the idea of the connection between the Labour Party and the trade union movement.
And again although that campaign was formally defeated the impact of it was very strongly felt and is still strongly felt. It was taken up as a theme by the Gang of Four when they Labour Party — a departure which was based on their hostility to an organic link between a political party and the trace won movemen.
The third bit of revisionism, which was attributable specially the Callaghan period, was when he wanted to centralise power in the party. This reached its climax with the imposition of the pay policy and the acceptance of the International Monetary Fund economic terms (in 1976) — a decision which was brougni about by rying pickets from the international bankers who came to London and said that unless public expenditure was cut they
alliance
for socialism
socialist society. and beginning.
Tony Benn
would destroy the value of the currency.
This process reached its climax on the night of 2 April 1979 when Callaghan made it clear that if the attempt was made to put into the manifesto one commitment to ine abolition of the House of Lords - it
issue and not substance of the question - he would resign the leadership only three weeks before the general election.
These three attempts - the one to get rid of socialism, the second to get rid of the trade union connection, and the third to dispense with conference or party democracy — were three tremendously important stages in the process of weakening the Labour Party. And
Over the years
the Labour Party
had moved substantially to
the right
each of them had their impact and each of them carried the support of a sizeable number of Labour Members of Parliament - some of whom of course defected to the SDP.
In parallel with these processes there were a number of other things that were happening. First of all there was Tons Crosland when Secretary of State for the Environment saying "The partv over'. Crosland himself, although a social democrat and sup-
Labour's
socialism and the alliance Labour must build to defeat Thatcher and create a
We think that the issues which the interview raises are of great interest and importance to the whole labour movement, and we hope to print a series of replies. The interview took place just as the miners' strike was
an interview with
posedly believing in high public expenditure, accepted the IMF cuts - — which meant the end of the public expenditure alternative to socialism. This also was very important.
And when of course the monetarists arguments were accepted by the cabinet in 1976 that was a part of it. li is furthermore true that when Labour prime ministers, without necessarily telling the cabinet, accepted unilateral nuclear rearmament notably the Chevaline project - that was very signiticant. Because that reall undermined the Labour Party's claim to be the party of international detente and dialogue.
All these factors came to a head after the 1979 election when the movement — and I say the movement advisedly because it included the trade unions affiliated to the party as well as the constituency parties — resolved to do a number of things.
First to bring the policy of the party leadership back to the policies that the conference wanted l.e. lo be ln favour of public ownership and a planned economy. Secondly to continue to assert its opposition to the Treaty of Rome because would be an
obstruction to it. Thirdly to reaffirm its position, that dated right back to the 1960s, for unilateral nuclear disarmament.
And having got those policies put into place by very big majorities at conference then the party decided to follow it up by the necessary democratic changes — changes which included the right of local parties to reselect their candidates; secondly to go for an electoral college which made the leader accountable to the whole movement and DOI just asecret ballot of the parliamentary group; and thirdly to attempt to make the manifesto the property of the movement rather than simply the property of the Prime Minister. the leader of the party, the shadow cabinet or whoever it had been before. The third point lost.
These changes, which involved in my opinion the renewal of the Labour Party, did clarify the situation to the point that a number of Labour MPs who had been out of sympathy from the early Gaitskell days right through to the end — I take Jenkins as an example but there were others of course as well
decided to make a break with the party. And the mass media then used
4 May 198+ 5 the defectors to attempt to destabilise and damage the Labour Party by saying it had lurched to the left.
Actually what had been happening over the vears was that the Labour Par ty had moved substantially to the right. I was looking at the election address fo: 1910 in my old constituency and found that retirement at 60, triennial parliaments and the abolition of the House of Lords were party policy ir. 1910.
What had happened was that there had been a shift to the right from pro. bably about 1949, but certainly from 1959, and in the last period the part! reasserted itself and re-established its claim to be socialist and expressed the determination to be more open and democratic. But the SDP, which had enormous media support, was able to do great damage to the party.
I think the second thing that happened during that period which contributed to our defeat was the support given by the parliamentary leadership to the Falklands war.
There is no doubt whatever that the war should have been seen by the party as being something wholly different from the way it was presented by the
Page 6 scan of this page
6 Socialist Action 4 May 1984
prime minister. We should have opposed the task force — as some of us did. We should have demanded the UN solution. We should have argued for a quite different response.
But by not doing so first of all we araca crealonty to le jingoism lat Mrs Thatcher deliberately created. But secondly we fatally damaged our position as a party that believed in internadonal settlement of disputes other than by corce.
And I think these things, the process of renewal of the party - which was inevitably inward looking because you had do destabilisation by the SDP and the media, and the jingoism released by Mrs Thatcher which we had not openly and clearly enough opposed which we had not opposed at all -unese unree actors contaouted to our
However having said that, the programme itself did attract the support of eight million people - which is amas. ing considering what happened. And at kast we were defeated on a programme that would stand the test of time. If we had drafted the type of programme the SDP wanted we would have been defeated and lost our credibility for the future.
And I think as the months have gone by it has become apparent that this programme, far from being an exCame programme was an absolutely tasic minimum programme. And 1 canco: think of a manifesto of a party defeated in an election that had so Irity self-fulfilling elements in it.
Everything that we warned about the has turned out to be right. And of co-re after the election we proceeded, *::re new electoral system that we had coser. io elect a new leadership ac-
struggle
One of the questions which comes up very centrally now is how the role of the Labour Party is seen the important
straggles outside parliament
miners, Liverpool and Greenham are
abrious examples.
Well I think our function is to support
these struggles. I've never had the sightest doubt about that.
My period out of parliament, the aime month period when you have the epportunity seeing the political stem from the bottom and not. the ip. reaffirmed that totally.
Wherever our people are involved
- struggle - whether its ASLEF as it
should have been in 1982, or whether it
the NGA, or whether it
Cheitenham, wnerner
Iners. or whether it be Liverpool, or
=-ether it be London, or whatever it
=3: be - the function of the labour
trade unions and
alical party and the parliamentary
=ay - is to support. And to give all
•support that is called for in these
sets bely crucial struggles.
1-d if that is done then it will be impossible for the media to play
=- arend game — which will be now
the new parliamentary party a carty as a whole. We have to -eating a new relationship = amentary leadership =: a whole - and I rade union ...=…=
countable to the whole movement. And that process can never be changed. The reselection in my opinion cannot be changed precipitate the whole argument again in a way that is wholly unconstructive. The policy I don't believe can be changed but of course there is going to be a lot of discussion about policy and I'm totally in favour of discussion about future policy because we don't want to tie ourselves down four years before an election — allegedly four years before an election - to every detail now. What will be important, and what is the of critical importance, is that whatever
developments of policy are made they are made by the conference and are not erosions of the conference position or presented in some way as if there has
been a new think without actually a new discussion and a new decision.
So protecting the rights of the conference to make the decisions. proteiung ine rignis or ine conege to elect lne leader, protecting the rights of the constituencies to choose their candidates and protecting the rights of all of us to defend ourselves — as with the miners, or Liverpool or whatever it happens to be between now and then - and the process of preparing for what lies ahead are crucial.
And I'm not just preparing for office, I'm talking about preparing for what lies ahead. These three elements of support and solidarity on the one hand, of discussion and democracy, and of preparation. These are the three tasks that we've got to undertake now.
And if we do that then I think we shall come through this period as the only serious and explicitly alternative to what is a very deep crisis in the capitalist system in Britain.
Extra parliamentary
the be be the
the
because it would talking about
socialist
-by-election fiting into this pro
cess of renewal? on the other. the Labour Party leadership.
Chesterfield.
was that the media began their cam-
lines. seat. were very arguments to deploy.
selection conference.
about what was a: stake Then came the die:: the same argumer:: **: -=
Now do you see the Chesterfiel
The Chesterfield by-election was very interesting in the sense of being the last, and I hope decisive, round in the battle between the SDP and the media on the one hand and a socialist Labour Party
A battle that began in Lincoln in 1972 when Taverne stood with the active support of the press and went right through to Bermondse! where Tatchell was the candidate and was attacked not just by the SDP and the media but also by certain very significant elements in
task.
It seemed from the very beginning that this was going to be the issue in
What was interesting about it, if you look at it from that point of view,
paign very very early. They began as
Eric Varley resigned. They devoted, I suppose, more attention to the selection conference than they did to most by-elections. And they ran two
One was thai if I was selected this would be unacceptable to the leadership of the party and reopen the so-called splits which they had used to try to destabilise us. And secondly that if 1 were selected Labour would lose the
very powerful . Newsnight and ITN, as well as the popular press, used these arguments as hard as they could and failed to influence the Chesterfield
In the Chesterfield selection conference what was interesting to me was that the trade unions were the ones who were clearest in a way about what it was about — or at any rate were very clear
=. where agar
Were media .=a0 :0 a
ta: ging became the ma-
Chesterfield
jor theme. The Times, Vincent Hanna. lewsnight and others tried to play the seen. tactical vote as hard as they could.
Therefore to devise a strategy to beat the Labour Party that was the prime
The strategy which was accepted, and carried through, was to by-pass the media and to go straight to the people, and to call in the support of everybody who was ready to come. We had a massive campaign which was very collective in character. There were three mean parallel parts to the campaign. One was that it was obviously a platform for the national leadership to use. Secondly Photo: GM COOKSON
there was a very good, the best I've ever
electoral organisation. People who came in were immediately able to be used without any waste of time.
And then there was political discussion on the doorstep of a kind that reached an enormous number of the electorate
Thirdly we had the campaign, which I was personally involved in, of going round to meet people. I think in the course of that campaign, if the polls
anything, half the electorate claimed actually to have seen the Labour candidate
And we had enormous meetings.
Page 7 scan of this page
Hobsbawm's
photo: JOHN HARRIS
Errors
Turning to inore recent events a Photo: GM COKSON broad debate has taken place
since June 1983 on the future of the Labour Party. It seems to
me there are really three phases since June. At the election one of the main aims of sections of the Tory Party, and
the capitalist press. was to
eliminate a Labour or socialist party as the alternative to the Tories — to try to create more or less a two capitalist party system as in the United Stares. This attempt failed both at the election and in the period afterwards.
Secondly Chesterfield showed that the press, Tories, and soP cannot eliminate socialism as a mass political current.
However all this still leaves Labour in a minority position at the present time. So far since June, if you put it that way, an essentially defensive battle has been waged — one that has been successful. But how do you see the Labour Party actually going forward now to win over new layers of support and to win back support which deserted in June 1983?
Yes, that is the crucial question.
I think that you have to be clear that when a big event, particularly a big About 13,000 people attended metings in a single constituency. I suppose there must have been 75 meetings. And we did actually by-pass the media.
When you get through to people and create the opportunities for getting through directly, then it seemed to me the right thing to do was to present with passion and commitment the polic! of the Labour conference. And when that was done it was seen by people isho heard it, and unders ood by people who heard it, to be highly relevant to their own immediate situation - unemployment, attacks on their unions, attacks on the health service. And it did produce a remarkable result.
Not only were there more Labour votes than there were in the summer but it completely counteracted what had been widely accepted to be the normal result where a sitting Labour member, for no very good reason, goes away and does something else — goes to Brussels as Jenkins or Marquand did, goes to the Lords as Whitelaw did. It absolutely counteracted that.
So it was a significant campaign in that it did dispose, I hope once and for all, of the idea (a) that the media can always wil Callba sus azalist LaDour candidates they don't like, (b) that an open advocacy of conference policy is bound be unacceptable 'moderate' town or electorate. And I think finally it gave people hope.
Une must never forget that when unemployment creates a sense of fear and disillusionment and antiety among the working population, particularly in industrial struggle, the ballot box is an alternative route by which people can express a view without penalising their
defeat, occurs, as in June. a lot of people have got their own axe to grind and will come along and try to grind that axe. I think that Hobsbawm's analysis. which has become m.uch dis:ussed because of its direct nature is the mos: dangerous.
What he is saying is that we could not have won because of certain saciclogcal changes in the class structure e: sogety. Non :hat is manifestly untrue.
First of all it comes from somebody who isn't even a member of the Labour Party. And although he's very ready to criticise the Labour Party for having an internal debate, he is a member of a party that actually put up candidates and cost us at least one seat - in the case or Willie Whitlock who was defeated as a result of an intervention ot a Communist candidate. So that isn't a very credible argument.
But the other point is this. It doesn'i take account etiwo obuous tacts. One was that when we had a working class that was sociologically composed in such a way as to virtually guarantee a permanent Labour government i.e. in the inter-war years, we never had a maJonly Labour governmenl own position - use the ballot box to light a flicker of hope in what is a very dark period. That's the way I see it.
Could I sum that up as I saw it? Looking from the outside what Chesterfield proved was that the press, the media campaign, cannot eliminate socialism as a current in Britain they aimed to do.
That's right. Absolutely. They can't do it. And indeed the fact that they have to devote so much effort to attempting to do it is an indication of their assessment of how strong those ideas are. And that's where the element of hope comes Hul.
Secondly it doesn't take account of the fact that as recently as March 1982. just before the Falkland's war. the government's popularity and the Prime Miniser': popularity was the lowest 2.3. And that there has been in any
¿ase a longterm decline in Conservative buDDUll uveilllalll lllalılıcars
So I don't think his arguments are
relevant. What I think he's trying to do, and this is based upon his own experience of fascism before the war and his own attachment to the policy of the Italian Communist Party, is to build up a sort of popular front which would include the Communist Party and also inclúde the SDP, which he for some strange reason regards as vaguely progressive, in order to beat Thatcherism
— which is equated in his mind in some way with what was confronting the western world before the war.
Now I think this philosophy is quite wrong. I think it is a strategy of pessimism, tactics of defeat.
On the other hand many of the things that happened within the Labour Party, and the left of the Labour Party, from 1979 to 1983 were very much directed towards bulding that winning alliance which Hobsbawm himself says can only be won by repudiating the Labour left.
Take for example the powerful campaign in favour of women's rights, the campaign in favour of a change in policy towards Northern Ireland, or the open advocacy of policies designed to eliminate racism, and the attempt to establish greater police accountability. Industrial democracy, workers control.
All these ideas. which Here ad. vocated and debated within the Labour left, were ideas that if properly and passionately put forward would be alliancebulding ideas. And I personally for a very long time have seen the Labour Party as the true alliance of progress and have tried over ten years or more to get the Labour Party to open itself to affiliation from other groups who represent different interests - the women : morement. ihe community groups and so on.
I think an awful lot of our prospects for success depend on whether we are prepared to pursue those areas of campaigning, and to remain absolutely openly committed to support people who are engaged in fighting on different parts of the front like the industrial struggles of the moment, or Cheltenham, local authorities, Liverpool, London, Greenham and so on.
It also depends on whether we are ready to discuss much more openly the whole socialist alternative and to open up the dialogue within the socialist movement between the various strains, tendencies, groups or whatever. Because if you don't do that then of course the Labour Party could decline back into the idea of how much of an injection of public money would be needed yet again to keep capitalism going. And I've no doubt that you can keep it going for a year or two more with bigger and bigger injections of public money but that's not what we're about.
And I think that the third ingredient, preparation, is of critical imporlance.
Preparation not only in terms of what we would do when we were in office, which is very important, but also preparation in the sense of the politics of the here and now and us, against the then and there and them which is what
parlamentary democrac! tends to be about. We can'i view things as if somehow a Labour government would be the kingdom of heaven on earth. A sort of quasi-sanitised revolution that when there is a Labour government it will be alright but until then things are going to be awful.
I think that in the category of preparation we have really to think very hard about one aspect of the credibility problem. This is not just that people don't trust politicians, but whether it is credible to present the answer to our problems as a solution dependent on the transfer of all power to the top. NL
OFFICIAL
PICKETLINE
ASLEF *NUR
ARE WITH US
May 1984
I think one of the reasons why loca: democracy is so relevant, and the question of workers control is so relevar.: and so on, is because there is an inherent distrust, based on experience. o the idea that somehow it will al! be icme in Whitehall. Therefore the resttan LOT of the traditions democracy which are expressed in :.: London campaign, and also expresies in industrial thinking through say ine Lucas plan are so important. This : where the preparatory element come: in. Here and now we are preparing re just to defend ourselves but also to tai : over, through democratic process ar. s enlargement of the democratic proces: In this context I think we have to git s an awful lot more attention to the idea of industrial entranchisement.
The term franchise is a funny word It means first the vote and also Cora Cola giving bottling rights to com. panies, but we should learn a lessor. from Mrs Thatcher. She has not tried to take over public enterprise and run it in the interests of capital. She has used the power that the statute book gives her with a Commons majority to enfranchise capital against labour. To give power to capital to run their own affairs in order to beat labour. We should develop the idea of the enfranchisement of the working class.
Here the argument about the parlamentary road becomes much more interesting. You go there, you get a majority, you use your majority to enfranchise the working class so the! can then advance their own interests without legal obstacles.
That is very different from the ide of taking the onership of capita away, putting it in a state corporation. and running it on behalf of the working class whether they like it or not. This idea of enfranchisement, or empower. ing the working through parliamentary action, would I thiri help to resolve some of the rather sterile arguments about what the reie parlament is as compared to the cle :: extra-parlamentary action. 3E:3Le 'enfranchisement' provide: that links outside. parlamentar!. ettar.
Sinch dt rott
Page 8 scan of this page
8 Socialist Action 4 May 1984
Democracy
In relation to that argument I
1
want to take up the recent Campaign group pamphlet Parliamentary Democracy and the Labour Movement which put forward a number of measures for radicalty extending democracy in parliament. Obviously по document everything but the Campaign group pamphlet concentrates rather narrowly on the area of parliament and the relation of the Labour Party to parliament.
In addition to these questions however there are very much greater areas in which the question democracy arises. For example you've aready referred to the question of industry.
MacGregor calls for a ballot of the miners on whether to strike. But the miners have no right to vote on the actual MacGregor plan itself. That is the
"dictatorship of capital' There is so the question of the civil service or the armed forces. What do you think on these areas?
The pamphlet was explicitly on the extent to which the labour movement was able, as things now stand, to use its parliamentary arm for the purpose of advancing its interests. It was narrowly conceived. It wasn't a major treatise on the whole future of democracy on a national scale. I think you're absolutely right to raise the question.
The democratic argument needs now 1o be made, I think, the main banner under which we campaign. Because •hai is happening is that as capitalism decines, and it becomes clear that it •I have to hammer the working class to survive, then of course the battles by tbe government against the British people become an anti-democratic campaign.
We can see this on the Police and Criminal Evidence Bill, the attack on the metropolitan boroughs, the attack on the workers at Cheltenham, and so Cr.
I think it is very important that we raise the democratic question. Not only for reasons of industrial democracy which you refer to, or workers control, but also because if we don't raise the democratic question then parliamentary elections are seen as narrow little popularity contests.
You've only got to look at the sickening contest between Gary Hart and Mondale in America to see where you end up when the democratic pro-
dess becomes a choice of a personality, «here politics are secondary.
That's why I've devoted so much of my attention, and I think its getting
through now, to the Chartists and the
Suffragettes. To reestablish
sature of parliamentary power.
bos the people can use it and what it is
really about. And if you do that you
en sweep away the personality cult.
I think we should be doing the same
with local democracy and with trade
anion democracy. If that could
sire. combined with the restoration or
rectablishment of campaigns for com-
mon ownership and so on, I think we
would be filling has been a
varium caused by the explicit aban-
donment of aspirations for socialist
transformation which have characteris-
ed so much of the party since 1959. In-
deed these aspirations have been aban-
doned since the 1950 consolidation
manifesto which Herbert
and Socialism
forced through the party at the time.
Would it be fair enough, in other words, to say that at the present time you see the struggle for socialism ver! much developing on the terrain of a radical struggle for democracy?
Yes. I think that democracy are absolutely indissoluble.
Socialism without democracy
socialism at all and has no durability — because a regime that has aspirations but doesn't of democratic foundation is living on bor-
rowed time. And democracy, if extended and developed is bound to lead to people wanting to use their democratic rights to produce a more egalitarian SUCICLy So I do say that yes. I've seen that for some time now. The books I've wallen Arguments for Socialism, Arguments for Democracy shows this. And the next one I hope will be Arguments for Freedom in which the question of freedom will be linked with the democratic argument and seen as a necessary preamble to the achievement of socialism.
Perhaps you could still develop that just a bit further because it seems to me the relation of democracy. and current struggles is an absolutely central strategic question.
I think that when you look at it, and its only a matter of studying experience and no more than that, that what we are now witnessing is an absolutely major attack upon our freedoms in the guise of protecting them.
That's true if you military side - where in the guise of protecting our freedoms from an attack by Russian generals, we've actually surrended our rights of national self-determination to American and British generals. That's one aspect of it.
The other aspect of it is in the guise of rolling back the frontiers of the state
the ine true And
be Morrison
socialism and
socialist have
the frontiers of the state are being extended in order to protect the interests of capital and so on and so on.
have to recapture for ourselves because freedom in its fullest context means the right to develop your life and future free from the dictates of capital - dictates that derive their power exclusively socialism Irom
many cases now from international extra-parliamentary centres — whether it be the media, the military, the civil services, the IME, the EEC, NATO or whatever it happens to be.
look at the
vote') and the
ment of socialism in Britain.
are incompatible?
So I think that freedom is a word we
for a long time.
plicit.
extra-parliamentary centres. In
I think the recapture of the word freedom for us is a very important idea — not the way it has been articulated by Mrs Thatcher, which is the freedom of the market, or the democracy of the shareholders meeting which is very different from one person one vote (and is of course 'one unit of ownership one
rediscovery of freedom, and the reinterpretation or reassertion of the rights to democracy are necessary preambles to the achieve-
So it is capitalism and democracy which
Totally. Absolutely. I've argued that
But I think that's becoming explicit now. Absolutely ex-
Dha. John Harris
or stad ay their be pot for oming on to another question
be two models being put forward at present for the nature of the Labour Party itself. • One is that Labour should move towards a more individually based par-
weaker links to the trade unions. The other has been expressed as developing a 'Party of Labour' - in the sense that the Labour Party was: formed out of the trade union movement but there are now many organisations which have been formed which must be added to the Labour alliance, which you would support affiliating to the Labour Party. I assume you would support the second model for Labour as you have become centrally identified with it?
Yes. First of course you do need a much bigger individual membership. That's certainly true.
But secondly we are, and always will be, an alliance. If you take the register of groups within the party - which 1 was opposed to — once you identify the register the best thing is that each one of them becomes affiliated to the party. And then you have a further founding conference like 1918 when the sixty three registered groups affiliated. And when they affiliate then they have their own votes rather like the Socialist
Association, the Fabian Society, etc.
There's absolutely no reason why the Fabian Society should have a vote for the National Executive but the Labour campaign for whatever it is shouldn't.
Iam also extremely interested by that point because it seems to bring out something which I thought was implicit, or perhaps explicit, in what you were saying earlier.
You talked about the 'refounding of the Labour Party or a similar phase. It seems to me that what you are suggesting is that in some historical sense we are going through today a process which is equivalent to a new refounding of the Labour Party.
Yes I do believe that. And I think it's very interesting if you look back - and that's why labour history is so important at the moment for all sorts of reasons.
Page 9 scan of this page
A party of labour
You're really back to the Dundee conference of the TUC in 1883 when Henry Broadhurst, who was the general secretary of the TUC, and a Liberal, bitterly criticised Keir Hardie. The TUC in Dundee passed a resolution condemning *irresponsible men are causing dissension in our rank' -which was Keir Hardie.
The attempt to bring about the Labour Representation Committee, which ultimately succeeded, was the
product of a great deal of debate within the trade union movement. And I think we're not just refounding the Labour Party and reconnecting with socialism during a very deep crisis of capitalism
we are also rediscovering the relevance of a political role for trade unionism — because if you have nonpolitical trade unionism then you end up in the sort of mess that the trade unions are in at the moment. And for twenty five years in parallel with revi-
sionism in the Labour Party you had of course a depoliticisation of whole chunks of the trade union movement and that's why we're in difficulties. So I think there is an historic refounding to be undertaken.
We've discovered that welfare capitalism, administered by nOnpolitical unions in conjunction with a non-socialist parliamentary party is a cul de sac.
Phat. CM COOKSON
Socialist Action 4 May 1984 9
reaching
Women's
demands
One of the things that links into the question of the 'Party of Labour' is the proposals in the party to change the method of election of the women on the NEC, to elect them at the women's conference, and to have the right to put forward resolutions to the party conference.
Yes I'm in favour of the women's demands. Because I think despite all the achievements of the Labour Party, in seeking to represent working people it has not only failed over a long period to change the structures of power society vis a vis capital and labour, but has failed to reflect the fact that women are a majority and are especially disadvantaged as a result of a whole range of factors. There has to be an element now of positive discrimination in order to correct it and in order to build the alliance which we're talking about.
Which will be the broadly based alliance that will replace the Conservative Party and eliminate the SDP. I think that is absolutely the major consideration. I do think that is right.
PIECOVER
YOUR
STRENGTH
TATE
Photomontage
Page 10 scan of this page
The trade unions
SAW FROM VISO ISSPRING NAW PROM VERSO TAS SPRINCE
NEW FROM VERSO THIS SPRING NEW FROM VERSO THIS SPRING
10 Socialist Action 4 May 1984
1 aking up another crucial ques-
tion the issue of developments in the trade unions is obviously absolutely central at the present time. Just before Chesterfield wrote an article for Socialist Action on the political levy. In that you took up the question of the trade union movement and the general council of the TUC. How do you see the present situation in the trade unions - in particular the policy which has become known as the 'new realism'?
What's called the 'new realism' is just the language of the media to celebrate discreetly the swing to the right among the general council. I don't think it's a new realism at all. It's the new language to describe defeatism. And of course the way in which the TUC general council is now elected, which means it
longer accountable to the
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But having said all that, it's also necessary lo say lal some or the you radicalisation that's now occuring is occuring in areas which you might be slightly surprised to find
For example if you take the question of whether the TUC should continue to attend NEDDY or not it is David Basnett of the General and Municipal Workers, and Alan Tuffin of the Communication Workers, who are most determined that they shan't. So one should because a process is being described in the way you say - the new realism you must never assume that there is some necessary public service unions, and white collar unions with conservatism. Indeed some of the strongest radicalism may well emerge from those unions that are by
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no means made up of members in blue overalls, who work HOOT Again that's Hobsbawm is wholly wrong in his analysis.
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on the factory port of the CLPs. why think
But what we need is a campaign for
in lne trade union and the 24 March con-
Obviously it's inthat changed.
Bevan conpolicy,
have
unliulis.
"ROM
ty.
so on? SPRIN ITS very clear
sistently voted down by the bloc vote of the trade unions while enjoying the sup-
How do you see the question of building a left wing to fight for political trade unionism, as you put it?
You've got to be clear about it you know. This theory and I'm not saying for a moment that you embrace it, but this theory that you're describing, is that what happened in the Labour Party from 1979-83 was a product of a bed. sitter brigade who moved from constituency to constituency. It is rubbish.
It was the policies of the TUC, and the policies of the Labour conference in which the trade unions predominate
And the whole idea of scapegoatism, which first of all explained everything that happened in terms of constituency parties, then in terms of the so-called Militant domination of the constituency parties, then in terms of a few named individuals (of whom I was one) was of course totally untrue.
None of these changes could have been carried through — neither the EEC view, nor the anti-nuclear view, ter. nor the demand for a socialist industrial
For industrial democracy, or reselection or electoral college - could
been carried through without overwhelming support from the trade
Tasks for
the left
Hine let inside the Labour Par ow do you see the tasks in say
. the left inside the Labour ParWhat are the fundamental areas on which it should concentrate its attention, resources, organisation and
I think three things. Support, solidarity — that is supporting people in struggle portant. and also I might add supporting the leadership that's been elected. I think
that at an absolutely critical level, which is the level of the parliamentary alternatives open to peo. ple in the election, you have to stick by the leadership elected by the electoral
So there is a complete change from
the davs when Bevan was fighting
against what were then very autocratic
trade union leaderships who were the
practollan guard of a right wing
parliamentary party. That's no longer
true. And I don't believe it will ever be
true again. So one has to see the ques-
tion in that context otherwise you begin
to believe the left is weak. It isn't weak
at all it's very strong. If you doubt it
look at the amount of time the media
and civil service have to devote to trying
to destroy it. Because they know it is
deeply entrenched in the interests and
the aspirations of active members of the Labour and trade union movement.
Now then you've got the problem of the non-active members - which is
where the media come in and try to create a gap. But then when you do have an opportunity to test that out in certain circumstances, as for example in the Chesterfield by-election, it turns out that the electorate as a whole are prepared to accept and support policies that had previously been attributed to a little hard lett group living in a bedsit-
You see I think there is a new perspective of confidence to be built up there without being complacent thinking there is nothing you can do. There is strength there on which to build and we must build on it. college that the left fought for. I think that's very important.
Secondly demanding the right to discuss, that is to say we've got to destroy once and for all the idea that if you're discussing socialism thạt divisive. You must discuss and the enlargement of the socialist debate nationally and internationally is very im-
Thirdly the area of preparation. We've got to prepare. And a great deal of the confidence we need to fight the current battles will come from the fact we have shown solidarity, we have been ready to discuss, and we are in the pro. cess of preparing.
Page 11 scan of this page
Keep London out of the killing ground
Unity
Do you think also that the Chesterfield by-election showed that it was possible for the Labour Party to campaign in a very united fashion and at the same time for discussion on policies to take place?
Absolutely right. But I think its absolutely necessary that solidarity extends to our parliamentary colleagues right across the board. Because that is a necessary part of the solidarity in the defeat of the present administration.
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And for the elimination SDP/Liberal Alliance virulent strain of anti-socialism very dangerous potentials within it.
That obviously would mean that you think for socialist discussion to go forward in a united fashion you have to have real democracy within the party and an end to witchunts.
Yes. Certainly. You've simply got to accept, a socialist party must that the future lies with a discussion about socialism including tendencies within the party.
And I think its interesting, in passing, that it is the socialist press that is under attack. The Communist Party is attacking the Morning Silkin's attacking Tribune, and the National Executive has been Militant. There is undoubtedly a vested interest in certain parts bureaucratic establishment in preventing presses which contain the ongoing socialist debate from operating. And l think that's a very important issue just to put on the record.
Give a peaceful lead to the world
Simo eloPeace Year 1983
19
Liverpool, liberation,
. (date of
Benn, Joy David Blunkett, Maynard, Mande.
McAliskey.
You
Socialist Action, 328 Upper
tire left.
of this which is with
D
accept,
all the in the trade unions. There is the Campaign group of MPs in parliament, but
Labour Party.
Star, John
attacking I think the Campaign group is a great development. It came out of the events of the of 1979-81 and in fact came into being after 1981. So it's been going for a couple of years in various forms. idea is not to be a parliamentary faction battling internally but to be a forum which connects the parliamentary parGLC
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A newspaper debating socialism, its struggles and the way to achieve it with (in just the last few weeks) Tony
Peter Heathfield, Helen John, Hurcombe, Ken Livingstone, Eric Heffer, Joan Anne Pettifor, Ernest Peter Hain, Bernadette
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Organising the left
o you have any ideas or proposals on how the left wing of
prepared to do. organise itself, and the left wing
useful initiatives.
nothing equivalent
wiatever
But its
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ty with the movement outside, which the old Tribune group was never
And it's done very useful work in my opinion. It's pro. moted and developed quite a number of
I think if you're looking at the movement as a whole it mustn't be factional in intent or nature. It must be really a movement for the regeneration and advocacy of socialism wherever you happen to be. Whether you're in the trade unions, or the local party or
It should be constructive and active in its concept and should have a very strong element of socialist education. And people who are involved should always be there when they're needed.
Summary
To make sure that I've correctly understood what you're outlining would it be fair to summarise your views roughly as
Firstly the party has elected a leader by a democratic process — a leadership which must be accepted and must be
Two that the party must unite itself to the maximum extent to fight against the Tories, the Alliance, and the threats against the labour movement.
Thirdly that within that framework the party must have a broad discussion on policies, structure and so on which in many ways actually amounts to a refounding of the Labour Party — not of course going back to square one but a refounding on a higher level of an
Yes. Together with the preparation for the future. I think the preparatory element is very important. And preparation in the broadest sense. Preparation for office, preparing for what you do in
ActioN Socialist
TO BACK THE MINERS
Socialist Action 4 May 1984 11 And I personally think there is a tremendous audience for this type of work. But it should now be very open in nature and should be prepared to encourage discussion and debate - and hut lallow inward looking in character.
I think inevitably from 1979-83. when we were engaged in an historic task of saving the Labour Party for socialism you had no alternative but to fight it out in a way that, it could be argued, was a diversion from fighting the Tories. But it had to be done that way, there was no alternative.
Now I think it's an outward looking type of socialist education that's re quired. And there's room in that for ali sorts of opinions. the industry you work in, the factor! you work in, the community you work in, the local authority.
Preparation which goes to such a point that it actually provides some framework for your current activities as opposed to just waiting for the day when 'it'll be alright' because there will te a Labour government. I think it is this preparatory element, which gives meaning and depth and reality to the discussion and to the solidarity and unity of the moment. Its got to rotate around a strong preparatory element.
Next Week
Peter Hain continues the discussion
@ Copyright Socialist Action, April 1984.
ACT NOW
Page 12 scan of this page
A first response
12 Socialist Action has invited various political views and figures in the labour movement to respond to • Labour's alliance rolling we asked John Ross to give Socialist Action's response.
supporters of the Labour Coordinating Committee, Marxism Today, and many others. We invite our readers to contribute.
The tirst reason Tonv Benn's article is important
dows tional argument, as opposed to sectarian slanging. to be carried out among socialists.
What is most striking of all however is its inicgration of the overall strategic goals of the labour movement with the tasks that need to be achieved now. In reality it sets out an agenda for the left for several years.
Readers can judge for themselves Tony views. But we can indicate points where there agreement and disagreement.
The points of agree ment really do touch basic and fundamental issues.
They be simply
Cal. catalogued for they centre
link between democratic socialism and the nature of the Labour Party itself or more precisely the real 'party of labour' which Labour must become both to successfully fight and build a socialist socie. ty.
What is unique about une present staton or tne labour movement the
which constitutes both the dangers and potential or ine present political situation in Bri-
is the nature of •Thatcherism' itself.
PEACE • JOBS
The 1980 special conference — still Labour's goal
Socialist Action 4 May 1984 for socialism'. To get the ball
From next week we will be opening our pages to
Thatcherism government attempting to carry throud reactionary going reactionary change in sociely. bul Dased on a Conservative Party which does llave thorough-going
lilass popular support. Thatcher
It cannot be repeated too often that Thatcher's 42 per cent vote at the last election was not a popular arosuce. I was une lowest real proportion of the vote
Prime Minister LOI anly with safe majority in parliament British history. The result government carrying through tremendous reorganisation of British
DUL popular consent. That
explains really both Thatcher's rapid anana ses atter June 1983 and then the renewed
mass struggles
in sprieresult
result is an inevitable and violent assault on democracy Thatcher must abolishn the metropolitan councils because She i elections. She must have
extraordinary paraphenalia of secrecy and arbitrary actions, as at GCHQ, because she lacks
mandate for
what she is doing in these fields. Attempting to combat the most reactionary government for fifty years, the labour movement finds itself fighting not only lor socials in the future but for democracy and the most elementary rights today.
democratic socialism, of Marxism. derelle connected we tre defence welfare state of 1s. of wages, and elementary democratic rights.
In struggle,
because defending just everyling tha wort defending In British and
LIC labour movement has the opportunity. and need. to place itself at the head of
socialist and nuinely democratic force
society ana io articulate their demands and aspirations. Socialism
As Marx said a struggle for socialism becomes possible only when all evil in society becomes concentrated at one pole and all that represents progress at another All proportions guarded, the struggle over
Thatcher's nas become a nign abou the entire future of a society. the stakes involved and the turmoil produced.
Such struggle about far more than simp
economic wenare demands - vital to all as inese are. Labour Has lu organise an enormous
alliance COCa progress, democracy, and
socialism. A real historic bloc that can smash Thatcherism and open up the way to a socialist society in Britain
To achieve that the Labour Party
not just specific interests within
capitals! displace that society altogether. Labour must project an econ
social, political cultural and moral order which is superior to that of capitalist society. Labour must, in short, become a truly socialist party
To achieve that alliance change its own, organisaHOld nature alic
Labour's alliance LuIC. must be expanded not only to the organised working class and trade unions which formed and
but also to the new Cole. ranks of white collar workers, public sector workers, women's organisations, black organisa-
currents and groups which Have grown up since the Labour Party was formed in 1900.
To be victorious in its struggle Labour therefore must also transform, and enormously expand, its own political nature. The struggle for democratic socialismn Is necessarily a
found' new higher level. That is why, in a very real sense, bring ing the Labour Partv up to date means going back to its origins.
Those, in our words, are what seems to us the real tasks of the labour movement in Britain today.
FREEDOM
They could be termed a Marxist analysis, Gramscist, or reviving the traditions British socials! LOSAOCK people, Leninist. The words don't matter. What is important is that they provide framework for approach and work by the left wing of the labour movement.
This perspective. which is based on the ke! 1eea democrall socialism, and what Tony benn lens Labour as a. the 'alliance for progress' (and which we would term
'party of labour') sharply counterposed to another perspective that of the 'popular front' and coalition with the SDP /Liberals which has Erio Hossaae associated Eric and Marxism Today.
These two strategies torm the sold conerent perspectives for the labour movement today They will continue to dominate the fight inside the Labour rarty in ine years to come.
But if there are big areas of agreement with Tony Benn, what are the ditterences! hev can be outlined, dealing with the
the relation between parliament. mass struggle and the capitalist state.
Tony Benn's perspec tive is most decidedly not a 'parliamentarist' one indeed one of the most Terrestra things the present debates one
perspective which is purely based on passing resolutions and simply parliamentary change is taken seriously any more. Socialism is based on an enormous trans fer of power into the hands of ordinary people - no on reinforcing the grip of the corridors of Whitehall, lne back rooms at West minster, or creating two hundred and fifty version. of the National Coal Board. Parliament
The argument about Marxism and parliament is not about a universal right to vote. No-one who is a democratic socialist, or a Marxist, can believe creating society which does not nave a univelsa. franchise. Nor is political
called political strategy of insurrectionism' - that is for children and not for a political current in the
labour movement.
The question 1s one simple and fact. When confronted with the violence ot the ruling class does the working class, and me labour
movement, have the right
to defend itself? Would it
have been better or worse
for humanity if the Ger-
man working Class
taken up arms and fought
Hitler? Chilean
workers crushed Pino-
chet? (And, on a lessel
level, does a miners picket
have the right to defend
itself when attacked by the
police - or is this an ex
ample of 'lawlessness'?)
To pose the question is in
reality to answer it.
The labour movement
today, amid the chaos and
argument, is forging itself
a new vision ol socialisill
One based on the radical
to every sphere of life -and that means first and foremost into capital's domination of Such a society requires an economy which is socialised in the true sense - both democratically planned
fields to ensure the distribution of Its and the meeting of its people's many needs. It is a society with a full and universal right of its citizens to vote - an enormous extension of democracy and it. restriction.
It Is, in snort. a societi far closer to the original viSIOn Ol Marx thar ally. thing which exists today in
casterr Europe — no matter what their achievements in other nelas Society
To begin to create that vision of society, to link it to the struggles halicks 1o defend the
figh tor liberation of women. 10 eliminate the of
anismo finish blessess
many other evils of capitalist society 1S the single greatest political achievement of the left today. To translate that vision into the living struggles of the working class 1s
the biggest task facing us.
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But it is a socialism which is living, popular. and relevant in a way that nothing Labour has done since 1945 has been. Just look at the response in the
Along the way there will be many tests of who is right and who is wrong on finally such a society . Thẹ im will be achieved portant ighing nowis io fighting History will judge along the way who was correct. Marxism
Lenin liked to remark that Marxism was powerful because was true.
Socialists who have confidence in their ideas have no reason TenI the judgement of events nor to engage in petty sectarian squabbles Hallouvics Marx wrote the Communist Manifesto that socialists 'have no interests seperate and apart from those of the working class as whole'. No special manouvres, tricks shibboleths. Just defence of the interests of the working class and the
whenever and wherever it is threatened. Just to participate in the struggle of people to take the running of society into their own hands.
That still remains the beginning and the end of
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Page 13 scan of this page
What should the Labour left do about the European elections?
All out for democracy
International
MANY comrades on the left of the Labour Party are not going to be able to whip themselves up into a lather of enthusiasm for the coming European elections in June. fought some of its most bloody British membership of the Common Market. Many will remember how Market referendum Labour's Wilsonite right wing joined forces with Tory premier Heath, and the Liberals, to force through a ratification of Britain's: membership of the EEC. If we are hostile to the EEC and its institutions, then why should we bother
European parliament?
The official Labour
course will campaign ot not be based on the demand for withdrawal from the EEC. Stan Newens, former MP and Labour candidate for Central London summed up the official line recently: 'Whatever your own position, we have to recognise that in the 1970s we lost the debate. And we never said that if Britain did go into the Common Market we would let all the British
the European SCaLD parliament be taken by Tories'.
Labour's manifesto will fudge the issue of withdrawal, and stress Bri-
demands for ComLalll s
Market So
he first question the left nas to answer is wicket le •should continue to oppose • British membership of the market, and whether this is a viable basis for a campaign.
In our view there is no question that opposition
should be
'THE BIGGEST
million people in Sao Paulo.
singing and shouting their
presidential elections now!'
Yet this was only
lifetime to elect their country's president.
A few days earlier one
million people had taken
to the streets in Rio. Even
before that nearly two
millions had demonstrated
up and down the Brazilian
sub-continent in a clamour
for democracy that has cut
right across the country's
different regions and
social structures. It's
fever that has taken hold
not •ONV Ene big
dustrial concentrations of
Une soulll-casl the
'paradise' of
investment in the
early 1970s - bit diso mue
drought-stricken peasant
areas where 10 million DOILI-COSL. people
hare died of starvation in
the last and
Salvowis
deep in the Amazonian far
west.
The campaign has been
organised by local and na-
tional unity committees of
all the opposition parties
and the mass organisa-
For the Labour left in the 1970s
battles against
during the 1975 Common
pounding the streets to elect Labour members of the
maintained. Fighting the
championing queeng-
EngChandioulls land' against 'internationalist Europe', but of recognising that the market means of strengthening the Euroruling class call economically, politically
and militarily against the working class.
By Paul Lawson
The Common Market is the institution which is used to co-ordinate economic 'rationalisation' steel closures, mine closures, food price rises and the rest - agalnst Ine working class. It is an essential component growing military colwhich aims to strengthen European imthe frameperlalsi work of NATO. Socialists should not be neutral on the building of
in Brazil
DEMONSTRATION in the history of Latin America' - that's how people were describing the action taken by some one and a half
dancing, marching, demand for 'direct
the last in a string of demonstrations leading up to last week's vote in the congress on an opposition amendment which would have given most Brazilians the first chance in their
tions, featuring a caravan of touring speakers that included 110l only leaders of the various parties, but popular singers, TV soap opera stars, loolbalers, and even sports commentators acting as comperes at some of the rallies.
By S Piper
Predictably enough, the amendment troduce direct elections was aerealed last week. heavily-gerrymandered congress, it narrowv falled to get the required two-thirds majority, whilst the army put on a show of repressive force that hasn't been seen for several years.
But a campaign of that size is hardly likely to go away overnight and nor will the acute crisis which the dictatorship is caught in. The military are deeply divided
'Hands up all those who want to stay in the Common Market'
class alliances by the European bourgeoisies.
There is no contradiction whatever between being opposed to the EEC, and running an election
Torture by the army
in Brazil
and the regime has lost control Uval its own mechanisms for choosing
presidential successor, with warring publicly fighting and bribing their way towards the finishing post.
Which way things go in the coming months will de-
campaign to the EEC
withdrawal basis. Labour campaign on a withdrawal platform would have allowed mass hostility to the EEC to be expressed. pend two central aspects 01 the situation. One is that, far, the crisis of the military regime has not coincided with a crisis of bourgeois rule as such. On the contrary, up until now the campaign itself has been massively dominated by the different strands of bourgeois opposition.
These liberal politicians are now caught between their desire negotiate solution that will increase ineir own stare or power, and the need to maintain at least some credibility in the eyes of the 'monstrous' mass movement they have helped to unleash.
The second crucial aspect is the existence within the campaign of a militant, independently organised working-class current. This has a strong base in the unions, centres on the CUT, an independent trades union congress formed last year. But it also has a clear political expression in the five-year-old Workers' Party (PT). Both the CUT and PT
very rudimentary
the many internal expected in
to be such new organisations.
So far, they have not been able to hold out a real
In fact, some Eurocandidates like Les Huckfield will be standing on an expect anti-EEC platform, even if this is not the position of the official Labour campaign. In most areas ol course the campaign wi note ol withdrawal How can the left deal with this situation?
The temptation of left activists avoid participation in the election should be avoided for two reasons tions will provide a test of First, the elec-
HaSs overall record of
especially if the miners strike is continu-
Second, the opportunities to argue the anti-EEC case will be
wnaleve position of the local candidate.
The general message of the need to fight the Tories
JOHN HARRIS
must be taken into ine cal ball Just because the elections bear the official imprint 'European',
no one is prevented from building protest vote photo. Tory attacks on the work- against the full range of ing class. Moreover
meetings and canvassing,
the lett will have every op-
stress
position to the EEC, and
the need for withdrawal.
The 1983 general election represented a high point for the Tories, and
an artificially low vote for
Lavour. The European
election can be utilised as a
alternative to the hesita-
TORS of the campaign's
liberal leadership. How-
ever, they have
real mass influence. Their
contingents have become
more and more noticeable
forward the
demonstrations, and their
charismatic leader,
Lula, has become increas-
ingly the most applauded
speaker in the direct elec
tions caravan
Much will now depend
on this current's ability to
pull together its own sup-
porters into a pole of at-
traction for the movement
as a whole. This will be the
only way of resisting in-
evitable pressures to wind
down the mobilisations,
and of linking up the par-
tial demand for democracy
wina challenge to the
regime's economic policies
and the incalculable suf-
tering ther di C inflicting
on tens of millions
Brazilians.
Recent calls by the
CUT for a general strike
on these twin issues may
offer a lead in this direc-
Success will depend
on overcoming in practice
the divisions which still ex-
within the workers'
movement, the
militant current and those
sectors still looking to the
reformist block dominated
by the Brazilian CP.
Socialist Action 4 May 1984 opportunity to reverse this situation.
The opposite temptation abstaining participation in the elections Dar ticipation in the elections - should also be avoided however. Neil Kinnock and his LO. ordinating Committee Hank-Luaus alc attempting wholesale 'теeducation' of the party on a position of reconciliation io EEC membership. Like the other 'Eurosocialists' the fundamental orientation of the Kinnock leadership is towards closer in. tegration of the European
Labour
movement
Palestine
conference
By Phil Hearse
The answer of course is
the supporters
Israel.
in Israel,
socialism.
Zion,
for positions in the party
ference on 19 May.
For many years Zionism critical of Palestinian trade unionists, basis for Palestine in a series of trade unions.
of
Stuart Holland MP,
capitalist means fighting economic aominalon c the United States.
If the new realism of the Kinnock leadershir towards the EEC is to be fought, it means full participation by the left in the June elections, but on the workers struggles austerity, on the basis opposition to the missiles plans of the European im perialists, and on the basis of opposition to the capitalist Commor Market. No the capitalist market, for socialist Europe!
WHEN is a trade union not a trade union?
when it's the Histadrut, the Israeli Jewish labour federa• tion. Despite the myths assiduously spread by
the Israeli state, the Histadrut is one of the fundamental supports of Zionism, and one of the main employers in
When is a Labour Party not a labour party? When it's the Israeli Labour Party, the party of Moshe Dayan and Golda Meir, the party of the European Jewish establishment
Zionist party which has nothing to do with the labour movement or
The Israeli Labour Party is however, affiliated to the British Labour Party through its British at-
castimo voter through the "socialist societies' section of the electoral college
The links between the British labour movement and Zionism will be one of the main topics discussed at the joint PSC-LMCP labour movement con-
support for Israel have dominated the British labour movement. The myths of 'socialist' kibbutz, and 'progressive' Israel have only been challenged in the last few years. The Zionist movement has carefully exploited collective Western guilt' over the Jewish holocaust, and the accusation that anti-Zionism equals anti-semitism.
The Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 should have dispelled many of the Zionist myths. But the plight of Palestinian workers in Israel itself and in the occupied territories, Gaza and the West Bank, is little known in the British labour movement.
The 19 May conference will hear Palestinian trade union speakers, and initiate a discussion on links and solidarity with Palestinian labour strug gles. Out of the conference it is hoped to organise a labour movement delegation to Palestine, a tour
and prepare the the question of
Labour Movement Conference on Palestine
with Palestinian trade union speakers
Saturday 19 May County Hall, London
Sponsors include TASS, Bob Wright, Ken
Cameron, Claire Short MP, Harriet Harman
MP, Harry Cohen MP, Joan Maynard MP,
, Bob Clay MP, Jeremy Corbyn MP.
Credentials (2 delegates max per org.) £2 from. Labour Movement Conference on Palestine, c/o
PSC, BM PSA, London WCIN 3XX
Page 14 scan of this page
14
hunt
THE POPULAR IMAGE of Labour Party leader Veil Kinnock will be severely dented once news of last Wednesday's national executive meeting gets around. For the NEC voted 14-12 to uphold the expulsions of six members of the Blackburn Labour Party, with the full support of Mr spoke in favour of the decision.
This opens the door to : ound-two
Ul palty wilkn hunts, headed this time by :he dream ticket leader-
strengthens the
file party members that Kinnock's new unity :eadership heralds a right-
drift away Lally policies, using the witch hunt as a vehicle.
NEC's call for a sim weekly levy of party members in support of the miners is to be weicomea a strongly as its decision ia expel the Blackburn 6 is
deplored. But
cilows vital weeks of incecision by the Kinnock eadership, when a clear tatement of support for ihe flying pickets could have helped bulld solidarity needed to suc-
rude the dispute.
VOVCS expel the Blackburn 6 began last ›cal. led by Councillor Gregory Wno nas subse¿uently left the Labour Group of Blackburn coun-
Black sections
on the move
WHEN 1983 Labour Party annual conference remitted composite resolution 28, which called for proper black representation at all levels of the party, the national executive promised a working party to 'study how best to implement the principle contained in it'.
Since then, black members throughout Bri-
ain have been organising
in their constituencies and
their regions. Some black SECHOIS arc low
established within consti-
ruencies and, in the case of
Vauxhall party in South London, those black
: presentatives have full
:ating rights.
Despite the national
executive's tardiness - the
arking party met for the
*time only a few weeks
London region for stated its enfran
:o drag its feet. -solution on Inis H) was passed the two-thirds required tor change, opposition from :rade unions and supporters of the
Maitan: new spaper.
Im he words of the nablack sections'
creat. Billy Hoe Nong
Pot: 'A miltion anti-racist
Socialist Action 4 May 1984
Kinnock backs
Kinnock who
cil. Rumours that he is applying to join the Liberals have yet to be confirmed. But Mr Kinnock will
with egg on his public face if it turns out he's supported the right in another fiasco зlKe Newham North East which ended with MP Reg Prentice crossing the tory bencnes.
By Our Labour Correspondent
Joan Maynard, one of the 12 to vote against expulsion, up the vote. She told us: 'I'm absolutely opposed to the ex-
these people
Nhateve the rights and wrongs, the real issue is that there's nothing in it tor ine Labour rarty bul bad publicity at time ween elections are taking place and with three parliamentary by-elections coming resolutions passed by GMCS meant nothing compared to composite H, which passed by such substantial majorities, indicative that major body of the Labour Party is at last acting positively.
By Annie Brady
Black sections are calling on constituencies and affiliated organisations to put forward the following model resolution for this year's annual conterence: Conference recognises that whereas 80 per cent of black volers support une Labour Party, black people still remain the least politically represented group within the Labour
arty and in the country
generally.
Conference therefore con-
must be taken by the Labour Party to remedy this situation, and recommends the creation of
Black Sections in the part! as a base on which black people can devise ano pro
pose strategies for change
tion and racial equality can
created throuch the
development of a socialist
Constituencies are asked
Walter the wor
ding of this resolution, to
that each one is
printed seperately in the
resolutions booklet.
Blackburn witch
pelled fore sir ideas exe
pelled for their ideas, way to defeat them is with better ideas.
The Blackburn 6 will nave the opportunity appeal the decision Labour's final of justice, party conference.
Yardley 5: the facts
BIRMINGHAM
recently established a new precedent by refusing to
accept the transfer of three Labour Party members
ion ouler consultendes mauduou
membership to two new applicants. All five are ap-
pealing to
meantime, constituencies
should be sent to the address below.
the Acocks Green branch of Yardley Labour Par-
ty. I hese retusals amount to back-door expulsions
and cut across party unity.
The five have produced a facts sheet outlining their
treatment over the last year. available from: R.M
Reg Ex. 113 Edmund Street. Birmingham.
GM COOKSON
Meanwhile all constituenparties and affiliated organisations must DrOlesI
national executive, demanding party unity based on respect for all socialist opinion freely expressed within the party.
YARDLEY Labour Party
it refused
Labour sadona executive. are asked to support them by the following resolution, a copy of which
This CLP/branch notes with concern the refusal of transfer of three Labour Party members into
Liverpool 29 March
Liverpool all set for
Labour victory
signs are that support for Labour is growing fast.
Without doubt, Liverpool has led the rest of the labour movement agains! the Tories' attacks on local democracy. Last Wednesday's council meeting was opened by an address from Alan Duffy Sutton Manor colliery, Lancashire.
deputy council leader Derek Hatton
Liverpool's pointed out. fight 'cannot seen isolation from other struggles againsi government. big vicwill be turener eledence will further evidence
/LIVERPOOL VICTORY TO THE LIVERPOOL CITY COUNCIL'S second budgetmaking meeting last Wednesday ended the same as its first: failure to agree. But the situation there is far from unchanged. With only a few days left before the local government elections this Thursday, all the
that Liverpool's first stand
really does show the way
fo: ather Labour councils.
By Carol Turner
Labour candidates
have been selected on
pledge support the
so-called illegal
council's
budget. The exception
Paul Orr, one of the seven
budget scabs. whose ạD-
peal againsi deselection
was recently upheld by the
rifallonal executive
LiverDool District
Labour Party, on the
Police Bill
conference
THE ANTICS of the
police during the
miners' strike makes
clear that the increase in
police powers over the
last few years have not
been designed simply to
deal with 'minority'
groups.
The real purpose of
the increased police
powers has been the use
of the police as a highly
organised weapon
against the whole
labour movement.
An DAIL of
this operation is the Police
Crimina Evidence
Bill. This Bill, which will
be returning to the :House
of Commons for
reading in the next few
weeks ally
shadow of doubt about the
right of the police to use
road blocks like they have
done In lie miners' strike.
The Bill will make
them legal which means
against strikers. Bill
will aIso empower
police to use intimate body
News
LO THE
Photo: TIM RIGBY
casting vote of chairperson Tony Mulhearn has subsequently reinstated him as Labour's candidate. This is a controversial decision. Orr's consti-
voted overwhelmLuci ingly 110L to accept the NEC decision.
The district party's ac tion will be hotly contestec at its next meeting, the elections. No doubt there was concern to avoid unfavourable publicity on what considered some to be the wrong issue to fight on.
district party ar that Orr's connoer reinstatement will not leopardis the clear majority for Labour's budget expected after voting day. anus and vagina and DeoDle be detained without charge for four
access avers. police will also be allowed
the people not suspected of
offence.
Unfortunately the labour movement has been slow to respond to the Bill. Perhaps it sees it as simply a black issue wnic Cal be ignored, just as it has shamefully Ignoreu ouel so-called black the nast. But now a laboul movement conference has
called on the DeCI Bill by the National Campaign against the Police Bill. This will take place on Saturday 12 Ma: from
6pm Conwa:
Hall, Red here will re.
There will speakers from the TGWU,
NGA, the National Society Motor Mechanics and the Labour Party NEC.
On the following Saturday May, the NCAPB is holding a national march assembling al Hyde Park at 12 midday.
Page 15 scan of this page
News
SATURDAY'S ANNUAL MEETING of Labour
and withdrawal from NATO, confirming yet again
defence of CND's aims within the Labour Party.
Delegates relected outright Birmingham resolution that a process of nuclear disarmament can be begun' by arguing for a non-nuclear NATO. And an Unbridge Labour Party resoluuol detente and non-nuclear defence had the sting in its tail removed by SulT cessful from Walter Wolfgang, Richmond Labour Party, which made clear that such discussions could take place only in the context of defending party policy and assisting 'progress towards general and complete
composite from
ANTARA
HISTORICALLY there has always been a close link between the struggles of women in Britain for their rights, and the struggle of women in the Irish nationalist movement.
This link is summed up in the person of Constance Markiewitz.
leading nationalist and former suffragette, who became the first woman to be elected to the British Parliament. Like the other nationalists, she never took her seat, but underlines the point that the connection bet-
Labour CND
leads the left
CND swept out resolutions and candidates bent on fudging the issues of unilateral nuclear disarmament
that Labour CND leads the way on a determined
Scottish and London Labour CND, comending
By Carol Turner,
Labour CND executive
the role of Labour CND at last year's party COLL ference and listing campaigning action ried unanimously. The pattern of the resolutions was repeated in the elections for Labour CND officers and committee members, when those associated with Labour CND's determined stand last year were reelected
Labour women to
discuss Ireland
Tween women and the Irish struggle has taken both forward.
By Steph Grant
That connection is being reasserted inside the Labour Women's anisation today. conference,
12-13 will debate
the treatment meted out to Republican prisoners in Armagh jail. barrier silence preventing woller understanding what going Ireland. But the effect on Trish lives is devastating.
The state aims its repression the
and those with a hand in its snul-aown last •ovember resoundingly defeated.
Perhaps most telling of all debates were those on
discussion eariy the meeting Worthing Labour Party resolution
for publicity and discussion from Labour CND on the issue of NATO. An amendment designed to throw it off track by giving equal pro minence to the Warsaw Pact Organisatior Wal defeated, setting the tone for further discussion throughout the day.
When MP Denzil Davies concluded his address to the annual meeting by calling for non-nuclear NATO, audience erupted in proRepublican communities as part or Ils al elpis 10 break the spirit of those fighting British tion. And the women are amone the first to sutter.
Since November 1982 every woman leaving and entering Armagh prison
been specteno strip So the five
have to appear in Armagh Court twice strip searched twice within the 30 minutes it takes for them to be escorted to the
appear and return to prison.
Women trial are strip searched twice daily
they have no contact with the public, and yet
done on 'security this Is grounds'. Strip searching
LOSL. Likewise, Pat Arrowsmith hit the same nail
the head when she criticised model conference resolution from the Labour Disarmament Liaison Committee which included detente as essential pre-conamon for sccunlig agreement on the contro and reduction of nuclear weapons in Europe'. "This
not CND O policy and Labour cannot possibly campaign for it, she said audience cheers.
Armed with the annual meeting's decisions, DOUE CND shows every promise of forging ahead in 1984 with
ampaignin outlook
hat will build on the gain of last year's committee. There is no doubt it will be the watch-dog of unilateralism inside the Labour Mary means: being violently undressed, always in front of warders (sometimes male warders), internal probings and searching of sanitary towels.
Women arrested on the word of informers, and interrogated at Castlereagh, constally that threats of rape are a part of the interrogation procedure - one woman has actually been awarded an out of court settlement for technical loss of virginity while under interrogation.
Irish women have
claim on the sisterhood and support of British feminists, as this violence is perpetrated in our name •.. and all unese repressive methods will one day be useu against reminists l
Women protesting outside Armagh women's prison on International Women's Day Britain (just look at Greenham).
At the picket of Armagh International Women's Day, prisoners told that searches decreased at the height of the pressure and publicity about crensed again are but increased again soon as the campaign lost
This yeas National Labour Women's conference has seven resolutions condemning the strip
magh jail
They must be adopted Fighting against what is happening women in the North of Ireland vital to ensure these methods never against women here.
Socialist Action
JOBS
STOCKSBRIDOE
MISTONE
UR PAR
By Jude Woodward
the struggle of the Greenham women. supporting it.
against were jeered by the meeting.
4 May 1984 15
NO
BOM
CN
Miners' wives to
go to Greenham
MINERS' wives are not just getting active in support of the current strike, but are drawing out the connection between their struggle and
Over a hundred Kent miners' wives heard Helen John speak about Greenham in Aylesham last week, and over thirty of them agreed to lead a delegation down to the camp on Sunday 20 May.
The delegation to the camp on that day has the sponsorship of a number of London Labour Party women's sections, including Newham North East and Islington North. The Aylesham NUM ladies section and Briefing women are also
At the Labour CND conference last Saturday a resolution agreeing to send a contingent of Labour CND women on the delegation was over. whelmingly adopted — four men who voted
The women's caucus at the end of the conference agreed to raise it in CLPs and addresses were exchanged to help to organise it. Make sure your women's section is represented on 20 May.
Labour Movement delegation to Greenham
Sunday 20 May Led by Kent miners' 'wives
For details phone Jude 01-272 9575 or Ilona
01-470 2927
Page 16 scan of this page
another Saltley
ARTHUR SCARGILL's call for 'the biggest national demonstration ever seen in Britain 'to break the police blockade of Nottingham must get the widest possible support from the labour movement.
committee and every Labour Party should prepare now to send their members.
The Tories are getting ready reintorce 'thick blue line' which is. costing £2 million a day io SOD effective picketting.
The labour movement must help the NUM to break this 'thick blue line', and to take the working class a giant step forward in the battle against the Tories.
By Pat Hickey
The governell knows full well that the miners can stop Thatcher, and is well aware that its position is not safe. The reason for the huge police operation in Nottinghamshire is that they dare not USCi against the the NUM. laws The
legislation which made the TUC turn tail and run away Over the NGA dispute has had no effect
the miners. The weakness of the Tories in this strike is obvious. The miners can win as long as ine rest or tne movement make sure they do.
Unfortunately, the labour leaders who have
again and again refused to use the full strength of the
class are once
more showing their true colours. They are long on
anti-Tory talk and short on action.
The people who sold
out the NGA will also sell
out the miners. Terry Duf-
fy has publically attacked
Scargill's tactics. George
Henderson national of-
ficer of the TGWU's con-
struction section has also
disagreed with the flying
picket tactics. Roy Hat-
tersley has insisted on
respect for the law. Bill
Sirs openly advocates
scabbing.
Such leaders would Inland 6 months £8; 12 months f15 Overseas (12 months only).
Europe f17; Air Mail i 24 (Double these rates for multi-reader institutions)
Name
Address
Please send me as special offer ma a newsoner with the rost Urice a lo Cardinal Enterorises. PO Box 50. London N1. natoset Mur Ltd. London 14.
SociAlist
ACTiON
Every trade union branch, every shop stewards
hand the Tories victory on
Plate. hey have time and again demonstrated their ability snatch defeat from the jaws of any victory.
The answer to them and to the Tories is to
Nottingham demonstration a resounNUM has already showe success. Yorkshire that the law can be defied. The police blockade can be broken. The Nottingham demonstration must turned into the kind of show of solidarity that made 'the battle of Saltley Gates' the crucual turning point In the 1972 strike. And right to the fore in that march in Nottingham, should be Neil Kinnock, thus making clear that the Labour Party is with the miners and against Thatcher and her police thugs.
After Saltley Arthur Scargill said 'The events of today will go down in the
the British
working class movement
as a nistoric day, waen nol just individual unions but
British trade unionists
decided had had
enough of police brutality.
They had had enough of
intimidation by the police
in obtaining passage
through the picket line for
scab labour, and they
decide 10 do something
about it. We had a lesson
in workers control. For the
first time in many vears the
workers of this land decid-
ed that the nation would
be defied; that the state
system would be defied,
and the gates of Saltley
would be closed.'
The slogan now
should be 'Make
Nottingham
another Saltley'.
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NINTH JUNE is important because it is vital that the American people
Stop Reagan on 9 June
know that the British population do not feel comfortable with President Reagan.
Because they don't feel comfortable with Reagan either.
They are waiting for him to be out of office so that some sanity and direction can come into their lives. We owe the rest of the world that responsibility.
Nottingham
says Helen John of Greenham Women Against Cruise
Nobody must allow that man come here and let him believe that he welcome in our coun try, when those weapons are here and defended to such a degree that any unarmed British subject could be killed so they can defend those American weapons.
No way at all could a British soldier be sta-
Make
tioned anywhere in the US and be given permission to even think about killing an
American 'unarmed woman. And when you've got such disparity we must make that clear to the American people. This man and the administration he represents not
There and welcome neither are the weapons.
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