SocialistAction 1983–88

The paper of the Socialist League, formerly the International Marxist Group, 1983–88

The fight for Irish self-determination

Socialist Action No. 84, 11 January 1985 · p. 9 of the scan · 802 words

The scan: 084-jan-11-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 1-7 of 7; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 9 of the scan

Sinn Fein, on the struggle for Irish independence.

Last year's Labour Party resolutions condemning searches, resolution calling for self-determination for the Irish people and the immediate withdrawal of British troops was lost.

Left MP Martin immediate withdrawal. It would create a bloodbath, he said, and was a demand not even Sinn Fein in Ireland campaigned for.

Concluding O'NEILL asked Joe Austin what Sinn Fein's view of the tasks of the British labour movement was.

Martin Flannery misquoting Fein.

What have said consistentiv for the last 1s years is that what has to be cone recognition of the right of the Irish people to self-determination. If we can negotiate for the Brits to leave next Tuesday, then we'll do But the reality is that such negotiations have to BEFORE CHRISTMAS Socialist Action carried an interview with JOE AUSTIN, chairperson of Belfast conference passed plastic bullets, strip and the use of Diplock courts. But a Flannery argued against REDMOND take place. We have said to Flannery, Varule Lne the British left generally that a number of things have to take place before the Brits leave, in order to make the Brits leave sooner rather than later.

First the Loyalist veto has got to be challenged Number two, the right of to selfaetermination nas to recognised and take place. 'Give 'em hell, lads. Remember you're fighting to preserve ine same kind of system that gave you no better choice than to join the army and come out here and get shot at in the first place' Those actually quicken the Dale British withdrawal rather than delaying it. Flannery arguing for delaying rather than speeding up the process which is what our position is.

With regard to the British labour movement, what we seek is a normal Teanonstito.

The British sections of it, has got a fair LOTIN ILS policies for national liberation selldetermination. But the closer come England, the fuzzier those concepts become.

We have delegations here virtually on a weekly basis. We find there is a sliding scale: Nicaragua no problem; South Africa — no problem; Ireland well... er...ehm...Ireland's a problem!

But we will not allow the British labour ШУС• ment to be neutral. can't be It's a violation of socialist priniple to be neutral in term f oppressio I don't want to be offensive unpleasant to our comrades in England, but we will not allow yuu to be neutral. we seek s normal relationship, that's all.

We don't ask the Labour Party to be divided by the Irish struggle.

by the English struggle, le alone the Irish That said, from a tactical point of view, can people expect motions calling for the immediate witnarawal be successful at the British Labour Party conference? When look the complexion of the British labour movement you see the the Labour Party on the ponucisation question of Ireland hasn't even begun.

comradely point of view, I would say that the struggle in terms of politicising sections of the labour movement has to begin. In five years time we can talk about getting the Labour ference to call for mediate British withdrawal not the other way round The only policy that you can adopt, one which is a foundation of everything else, is self-determination Self-determination, if it's suc•oens une coo l Brit withdrawal. It's a sort of stepping-stone to Brit withdrawal.

Unfortunately people like the Irish Solidarity Movement make demands on the British working that we wouldn't even make on them. For example that as a preconfor concern on Ireland you have to support the The IRA didn't even make that de mand in Ireland! Sinn Fein don't make it a precondition for support anywhere At the other end of the scale people like Neil Kinnock snould not be allowed to hide behind mere like evented unification' So against both of those types of position need strategy sections of movement and forces the labour movement in the direction of support for self-determination.

We. are effectively a he beginning of that pr BEEP I LEGAL Irish women bang their bin lids in protest at the death of a hunger striker The explanation of the Irish situation explanation of our English problem - - hasn't happened in the British movement. It has to happen.

What useful are positions like the Labou Party conference motior condemning the use of plastic bullets in spite of the opposition of people like Merlyn Rees.

The position on paid perjurer: is a sound one. The posi tions on Armagh and the strip searches are sound positions.

These obviously platforms which can be built on in the British labour movement.

withdrawn, of course. the right of the Irish to self-determination is being acknowledged, then why need 40,000 members of the British security forces over here to subjugate thatdrawal withdrawal of troops follows on from self-determination.

← InspectionVictoria Gillick wins appeal →

Something wrong on this page?