Socialist Action No. 84, 11 January 1985
The scan: 084-jan-11-1985-SA-UK.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive)
Uncorrected machine reading of the whole issue. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from the scan and has not been corrected or cut into articles. Each page gives the headlines first, then the columns in order, so one article runs on into the next. Expect misread words. Use it to find things; quote from the scan.
Page 1 scan of this page
AS THE MINERS' strike goes into its eleventh month the Tories, the NCB and the media are claiming that victory for the government is in sight. The truth is very different. The back movement has failed to break the strike, and it is now clear that the it will not succeed. The return to work' movement this week completely failed to meet government hopes. The core areas of the strike remain solid.
On the other side, Peter Walker's claim that there will be no power cuts this winter HICSLS entirely on CEGB's ability to use scab coal and
COAL
NO PIT
oil.
course of the dispute.
the use of coal are in general followed, those work
sions is having deadly effects.
actionato
the
SOCiAList
ACTION
NO PIT
S
Use of the chief coal substitute, oil, has increased 1000 per cent in the
The problem here is that while TUC guidelines on
being on the use of oil substitutes are not. It is here that the refusal by the general council to campaign to carry out TUC congress deci-
The fact is that the miners can win and that solidarity from the rest of the movement remains the key. The need now is for a real worked out plan of that
moose are organise une support for the miners that exists at the base of the movement. The battle to implement the TUC congress decisions must be re-opened immediately.
COAL
GOAL
NOT
DOLE
Some steps forward are being taken.
The Yorkshire and Humberside
of the TUC has decided organise a week of activity from 4 to 11 February. On 11 February trade unionists will be urged to join the picket line nearest to their workplace or home. Regional action, culminating in a day of industrial action, and action on the picket lines, should be campaigned for in every region if there is no central call.
Particularly important however is
Scottish miners' leaders are to call for a national day of action on Wednesday 20 February, with a na tional demonstration in London led by the TUC and the Labour Party. Scottish area general secretary
No. 84
30p
17 January.
ment to back
Labour must
Clarke is expected to launch the call at the LCDTU January in London.
The Mineworkers Defence Committee has also been campaigning for a demonstration in two campaigns should be immediately co-ordinated, and an agreed date set National political action, including a national demonstration tional solidarity conference called by the NUM is vital to deliver national industrial action.
It is clear that neither the miners nor their supporters are deteated. The Tory hopes of victory continue to rest on the TUC sabotaging the decisions Eric passed at congress. A systematic plan
Rail strike THE RAIL unions have called for selective depots in the London, Midland and Eastern regions to take strike action in protest at management's harassment of crews that implement TUC policy and refuse to move coal. The date has been set for
Jimmy Knapp, NUR general secretary, described the treatment of railway workers at Coalville, Leicestershire - where coal had not moved before Christmas - as 'diabolical'. Roy Butlin, Coalville NUR, urged railworkers to turn this call into a national protest that would really force managedown, by throughout the country coming out on 17 January.
plan for
victory
conference on 12
London. These
• For and a na-
• For
branches and district councils of action to reverse this situation is the key to victory.
• For a national day of action, and nanonal demonstradon in support o the miners - preferably called by the Labour Party and TUC but called by the left wing if they refuse.
regional weeks of action, culminating in industrial action and physical support on the picket lines. • For mass action to win support ir the power stations for implementing
congress decisions of the boycott of both coal and oil
national solidarity conference called by the NUM
Page 2 scan of this page
The right strikes back
2 Socialist Action 11'January 1985
SociAlist
ACtiON
Come back Chris
LAST WEEK'S Tribune marked an important turn for that paper one whose potential significance was well clarified by the publicity it received in the press
or the last five years Tribune has been to the forefront of what the press chose to call the 'Bennite' left in the Labour Party. Under the editorship of Chris Muliin Tribune became the chief open supporter of Tony Benn in the Labour Party and faced a vicious legal attack headed by John Silkin in the same period. But last week's Tribune embarked on a new course although whether it can be carried through time will tell.
The front page editorial of Tribune went out of its way to attack those who made 'irresponsible' calls for a general strike. The target of this attack was not the Marxist left in the Labour Party but Tony Benn, Dennis Skinner, and others associated with active support for the miners who have raised this issue.
Tribune's article also went on to attack making obeying the law a dividing line for those engaged in the fight against rate capping -though there were any way to fight the cuts within the law.
Tribune's article in fact echoed almost exactty a similar piece written in the New Statesman before Christmas by Peter Hain of the Labour Coordinating Committee. This proposed that Michael Mencher. David Blunkett, and Tom Sawyer should offer Neil Kinnock an alternative 'centre/left' bloc on Labour's NEC to the centre/right bloc that Kinnock has been pursuing. Michael Meacher, David Blunkett, Tom Sawyer are exactly those who are reported by the press to be behind Tribune's new initiative.
Naturally Tribune made some suggestions for this proposed new bloc: The first was that Neil Kinnock should abandon the drive to push
one vote through the Salty vit reselection. The second was that the proposed new witch hunt against Militant and others in the party should be stopped.
David Blunkett attempted to implement this
nevi policy by deleting any reference to
vestigating Militant in the terms of reference for
the new committee to draw up the statement or
Kinnock's version of 'democratic socialism'. Kin-
nock's supporters made it clear however that
there is going to be no drawing back on 'one per-
son one vote or on the witch hunt.
What in fact Tribune proposes is a second
Bishops Stortford. A situation where the left
agrees not to fight back and the right wing
mounts its attack - including in the election
campaign itself. That road led to the disaster of
June 1983 itself — a vote that would have beer
far higher if Neil Kinnock had not delivered the
deputy leadership to Denis Healey against Tony
Benn.
In fact Tribune, not to mention Hain, com-
pletely fails to outline Kinnock's real position.
Veil Kinnock's politics are those of the centre
right bloc - that is what makes them distinc-
tive. The 'dream ticket' of Kinnock/Hattersley is
just the continuation of the old ticket of Foot/
Healey that Kinnock ensured remained in place
during the 1981 deputy leadership campaign.
More important however is Tribune's whole
concept of Division is of course to be
avoided where possible. Those who artificially
create divisions are idiots. But the precondition
for unity is that Labour supports those who are
in struggle and those who built it.
Furthermore Kinnock's road is not even a
path to winning the next election but an attack
such hopes. Winning the next election
depends not on "image', tricks and manoeuvres
but Labour's supporters winning the real fights
which confront them. Winning the miners'
strike, winning the struggle to defend local
government, winning the fight on nuclear
weapons. A 'unity' with Neil Kinnock that means
sabotaging those struggles is the unity of the
graveyard. Also the best way for Labour to lose
the election.
Tribune's new course is not a way of advance
for the left. It is simply an invitation for more 4.
people to become puppets of Kinnock in the way
This record prior to the last election
prepared him for his present role as the 'human
face of Denis Healey'.
1984 BEGAN WITH the majority of the TUC leadership course decided on at the '83 congress, in the wake of the general election defeat. They marked their commitment to this policy through their betrayal of the
that fact by NUM.
In
different
ninthen,
unions Party. New ruled
the 'dream in
all that. Its
witha focus to organise The strike has marked the
kind of emergence leadership the labour movement has not
and after World Delore War 1
kind as Cook
steadfastly
Costres
The of • to
accept
of the At the
TUC in
September the extreme
right and
defeated "total
carried.
conference, Hines
strike pro-
endorsing pickets
Labour
Party
became that tne
firmly committed to the 'new realist'
of all sections of the oppressed:
support. strike also
sections movement,
In the
which was
law,
porates women,
links
Despite
back the general
the
'total
appeal to
doubtedly
response
general
support
man
time it
ment
women, the NUM
Sup-
labour
4.044 Photo: 10HN
preparea to
incorof
to the
these
however,
has
the Slallul
behind such would un-
big
speech
At the same undermined
settleaccepts the
closure of uneconomic pits.
The refusal to support the miners has been tied to the fightback by the new realists general Coe Al, Wind the BET council,
V and the EETPU are moving take government money for ballots in defiance of Wembley Conference decisions. There is now a proposal from the right for the TUC to 'reconsider' its stand on the anti-union laws. Allistair. Graham of the Grandian are in the Guardian TUC needs to change its rules so that it is not hijacked into support for a dispute as it has been on this occasion. Divisions
The response of the left to these moves has been to
the aten the concerned If
the unions concerned. carried out this would remove about 13 per cent of the TUC's membership at a stroke — and shift the political complexion of the
general council and the
TUC to the Both
unions have said that they
will carry on regardless.
The lines of divide in
the labour movement are
therefore much deeper
than they were at the start
of '84. There is a minorit!
class struggle lett Wille
with a leadership in Benn,
Scargill and Livingstone, a
hard right around Duffy,
TUC Hammond and Graham, and a centre around Willis and Basnett that is being pushed increasingly to the right by their refusal to fight the Tory attacks.
The right wing have a clear idea of where they intend to go. • They are moving. business unionism that ex- towards the LYUC of
America. They believe that by accepting the law, making. no-strike deals, and avoiding conflict, they will prosper They include in such a project the belief that it will be
to form a coalinecessar tion with the Alliance alter the next election
The battery of government legislation which the Tories have adopted will assist the right - • unless it
confronted and defeated. This year will see the ballots on une closed closed shop and on the political in the medium san The first is aimed reducing trade unionism to a minority political current in the work places. The se cond, at breaking the links with labour. The law has already been used to considerable effect against the miners, and will be used again.
Despite the 10 months
ofe massives it in and
the massive, minority support that it has won across the movement, the left is not yet prepared for this. forces are not organised across the move. ment to confront both the
Tories and the treachery of
the right. With the excep tion of Arthur Scargill it is
News
much less consistent than the right. The TGWU which has supported the NUM throughout, for which deserves full credit, passively accepted the High Court decision to sequester £250.000 NUR which has also been a major source of support for the miners has been slow to take action the Coalville workers who are being victimised British Rail. Ius as they refused to press for strike . 2C101 the last pay round.
There possibility of the TUC delivering on its congress mandate unless the left take the initiative. The left leaders should start lIch year by openly mobilising the mass base that exists in the move. ment - including in the unions which presently have scab leaders. There is
need for an open political break with in majority of the TUC
general council, to force
Willis et al to deliver sup
port for the miners in the power stations
The political divisions
have not been created b
the left. They are the resul
of the scabbing role of the
right. These divisions exist
from top to bottom of the
movement, anduttreaten
whole future
workers in Britain. They
are actively encouraged by
the right, and no section ot
movement is immune
to them. Even the NUM
the prospect of
tace.
hardened right wing in its
ranks, which is effectively
breakamal
union.
It is in the interests of
the whole movement to br-
ing these divisions into the
open where the scabbing
role of the right can best be
fought and their sup
port won away from them
ne mesaece
year is that organisation of
the left from top to bottom
by the left leaders - the
people who can do
only
this at present - is vital.
The majority of the labou
leaders fron Willis
through to Hammond,
from Kinnock through
Healy, are leading the
movement to
disaster.
Page 3 scan of this page
A political campaign
TONY BENN has paper for the labour movement for a campaign in support of the miners. It proposes days of action, political campaigning, and industrial support for the miners as well as establishing a representative steering committee for such a campaign.
He will be presenting it at the Liaison Committee for Defence of Trade (LCDTU) on 12 January.
THE TIME has now come for a major political campaign in support of the miners. The solidarity shown, and the financial support given, have been much preciated, but it is not enough and the movement must do more, and do it urgently, if we are to sustain the NUM and their families.
The forms of support needed are: • First: to win acceptance of the principle that you do not cross a picket line. • Second: to extend industrial action into related activities - especially power stations, road transport of coal and oil and associated work. • Third: to step up suport and make perhaps by regular levies, or the contribution of a day's pay, by those at work, on a regular basis. • Fourth: to provide an effective political campaign to get the miners' case across to the general public, and link it with other attacks on working people including unemployment, health and education cuts, tion, reductions in the living standards of the old and the threats to women's interests, to civil noerdes ana to me democrauc rore vi local authorities.
It is no good waiting for others to move when te abou moveucal de the power, and the duty, to take the initiative where we live and work. What are needed are political campaigns with public meetings, rallies, canvassing, collections and street corner gatherings exactly as is regularly done in general election or by-election campaigns.
These campaigns would need to be jointly planned with, and supported by the NUM, Labour councillors, MPs and MEPs, Women's Action Groups, the trades councils and its affiliates, and if possible by community groups and the churches.
To be effective they need to lead up to a particular day of action so that Collecting money
produced a
the Unions ap-
Photo: GM COOKSON
the financial
systematic,
By Tony Benn
those who LaKe privatisa-
are
the best gramme would be by
area.
extent of support, annoorsed means the only
the
they themselves live and work.
Darl will have something to look forward to, those wno are Invilea lo lake acon will know, in advance, why they are doing it, and the miners will know that they
weeks that lie ahead. It may be that JUDOUIl the fares
iauict proarranging public meeting at which all those who had indicated their readiness to assist could explain what was to be done and seek support from everyone in the
Ideally we should aim at a general stoppage of work as this would be the most effective way of establishing the
but this is by no way pressure on the government. The really important thing will be to consult vices. on the widest possible basis and to encourage all interested groups to think out how they could best assist where
Some examples might be - and these are only given as illustrations:
SAVE and
for the miners
Photo: GM COOKSON
1. Schools where the teachers ask local trade unionists to come in and talk over with the pupils what the dispute is about and how it relates to education cuts. 2. Hospitals where the unions set up a discussion, inside the hospital, on the enec or une curs in wue nean service
3. A day when the buses run but no
are collected and passenger is given a leaflet on the effect of the new government policy of de-regulation, with an opportunity to talk about its effects with councillors and union members who might travel on the buses for this purpose. 4. A similar policy on British Rail, with especial emphasis on the need for elecuacados.
5. Labour local authorities to advertisements in the papers calling meetings tor locai peonle to hear ex. actly how rate-capping will affect serTHE LIASON Committee for the Defence of the Trade Unions has called a conference on January, to discuss mobilisation of more rank and file support for the miners, and to promote action against the attacks on unionism coming from government policies and laws.
NUM general secretary, Heathfield,
will be on te placord, along with Ron Todd of the TGWU, Jimmy Knapp of the NUR, Danny Sergeant of SOGAT, Tony Benn MP,
Betty. Heathfield from womens support groups.
by Paul Dwyer
With such a platform, the turnout for the meeting has the potential to be the biggest for many years for an LCDTU conference. It would provide an oportunity to sie up the cam paign for support for the NUM, and
paruicular step up the against the general council's refusal to honour TUC congress policies support for the miners.
The topics of the conference cover the most important issues facing the labour movement — the miners strike and the legal attacks on the unions. Every move to deal with these ques tions and to strengthen the fightback is to be welcomed. But yet another conference is not enough.
The crucial point that must be confronted is that the right wing on the general council of the TUC is on a clear line of refusing to fight the anti-
6. An invitation unemployed to attend local colleges for all all-day unemployment could be tackled — by ear ler retirement. a 3 hour week longer holidays, more public investment in industry and public expenditure on services etc. 7. Joint conferences every about the ways in which fuel poverty and the
could be eradicated at a cost much lower than the cost of the strike -and extending to all those on social security. 8. Demands by local journalists and broadcasters that on the day of action ine meala unions de anowea one page in their own papers, or one hour on the air to put across, the news as they put see it, and give their own comments
OH l
9. Social and cultural activities which artists could express their sup-
LCDTU conference
12
trade
Peter
union laws, and refusing to support the miners. on the boycott of coal and coal substitutes have plemented. The task of taking on the anti-union laws and securing victory tor the miners cannol be separaicu from the task of fighting the policies of the majority of the general council. fight "'he
from top to bottom of the movement on to dear win une rigal. Ius is vilai lo
the success of any fight Tory attacks. Norman Willis, David Basnett and Eric Hammond are tak. ing the TUC away from any kind of struggle. this by organising its forces against this.
The LCDTU cannot achieve this task. It can only be effectively carried out by the lett trade union leaders. the NUM, TGWU, alliance with the Labour Party left
Socialist Action 11 January 1985
Vitco lo
ana lne ing the pit employment, ment.
to all the
seminar on how
between the pensioners to talk
Led. leadership.
itiative
represent.
Tories.
Photo: MARK SALMON
have to TUC Congress decisions
not been im- national
organised The number one against the
The left can only prevent governele
itself
comereice
The leaders of NUK ete
3
port, and link it to the international struggles of working people for the same objectives , maybe with some in-
• come from abroad to shov their solidarity 10. Peace movement campaigns that highlight the cost of nuclear weapons and the starvation of essential needs.
danger nuclear power as against coal.
11. Invitations to government and Coal Board representatives to public debates on their policies to which the local business community could be invited to hear the case for negotiating a fair settlement to the strike by cancell.
closure programme and getting the investment necessary for real economic advance. 12. Organising public opinion polls to
Como cle every interested group to establish the extent of public support for policies that would end the threat of pit closures, , bring back full
build homes, health care and educational provi sion, help retired people, women and youngsters, and work for peace.
To be effective, work on such a campaign and day of action must be set in hand at once. Firm proposals would have to be formulated by a small and
circulated to all those individuals and groups, especially in the labour move-
who might be ready cooperate, with an invitation to each of them to think out urgentiv what part they would like to play and how they would propose to pay for it
This latter point is very important as all costs must be covered, more, to avoid diverting money away from the miners' funds - indeed the miners should receive more as a result ot what is planned These would be asked to get on with it quite
Telling steering committee know what they had desis.
The NUM and the women's support groups have taught the labour movement many lessons in the last 10 months, of which the most importar: are that you do not need to wait :c: permission trom anvone betore vol defend your rights, and secondly that there is a need for strong and clear
It must be our task to take the in-
now and offer the leadership that will be necessary if we are to pro. tect the interests of those whom we have the weight to mobilise massive numbers for the battle against the
Any such policy would have to be pursued in the face of bitter right wing opposition. 'Regretable' though such divisions in the movement are, , Une
• be faced. The truth of the is that any effective fight against the Tories will face the hostility of the right. But as the miners strike has shown it is necessary to confront the right in order to win.
The left leaders should make a start in this direction at the LCDTU conference, by fighting to call a national solidarity demonstration in
possible, and by setting a date for a
solidarity conference build action in support of the NUM. Such a conference should set itself the task of implementing the decisions of TUC congress that the general council have refused to honour.
miners' strike is still the priority for the movement. The NUM is not going to surrender, and the Tories' hopes of victory rely entirely on the general council. It acts as a prop to the Tory
The left leaders should mobilise all their support in the movement remove that prop. They can start that task at this conference.
• The LCDTU conference Friends House. Euston Road. Lon don 12 January, from 10.30 to 3.30
Page 4 scan of this page
Socialist Action
NUR
must back
Coalville
The action of the Coalville railworkers in support of the miners was
management bringing in signalmen who did not work at the depot and were not members of Coalville NUR
A Coalville signalman wrote to management explaining that ne was not willing to move coal trains. He was the only barrier on the afternoon shift which stopped a train being mov-
from Bagworth pit to Drakelow power station.
The Derby aca
Sam Reed, summoned him to Derby for
interview on Monday
mecember booking him off work for the day. By Doreen Wheppler,NUR.
This enabled management to bring in a relief signalman from outside the area, who was willing io move coal trains, providing the Coalville "as nons shen ea
Then Chall of signal boxes along one line was then fully operational for the first time.
At the interview in Derby the Coalville signalmen was otterea a bribe: paid leave so long as
from de slavcu away depot. He refused.
The next Tuesday he was again summoned to
Derby by the area manager
so that he could not sign
on for duty and once again
coal trains moved.
He had now become
the only obstacle stopping Drakelow. He was told by trains
the area manager that in
his opinion he was men-
tally unstable' and
should report to Derby
again on the Wednesdav
for an interview with the
board's medical officer.
Victim
On that day there was
no medical appointment,
and he was offered a tem-
porary job sweeping plat-
forms at Burton-on-Trent
station, miles away
from Coalville until
medical could be arrang-
ed.
He refused, and
reported the events which
had taken place
shop stewards' committee.
They intormed the
NUR NEC immediately
because of the - sinister
nature of the victimisation
taking place retary or the er,
secretary NUR,
that the
gave assur alics
matter would be taken up
immediately with the
general of the
Midland region.
But Coalville has heard
nothing since. The
Coalville
Corker
regard the victimisation of
11 January 1985
sealed off to rail police homes, sackings
individuals and
from the area
One of the most distur-
aspects campaign coal trains moving
the scab
Homes of some
leafletted welc
the FPRF. Its leader-
ioin the FPRF and build it
The minority of workers, whose vote in the
tion indicated that they wer willing to move coa have also been approached
form break away branch at Coalville Support
Coalville workers
months pressure. they out the
directives
cumstances Means and
up their stand.
Roy chair Coalville stewards
by: "The OI ASLEF NUR have
Mules
WC
following These have Chesterfield
field ana
district of the
Tinsley,
said: The • the labour
tricks
move-
ment of and onl
there to
pull back. the
He for
Roy Butlin addresses support meetng
MASS PICKETING continues apace at Didcot
on 26 October, supported by over 500 people,
in an attempt to avoid police harassment.
They were successful in expressing support for the workers Coal but failed inside the keep station, the
police away. It was therefore decided to change tactics and give maximum publicity future mass pickets.
On 11 December a mass meeting reaffirmed support for Didcot's policy of refusing handle coal. Contrary to press reports, power workers at Didcot had not used coal but merely marshalled it into stacks.
oil is still being DUL used there, contrary phenomenon.
Neil started life - as luck would have it - with one of the purest working class pedigrees a Labour leader has ever had. As if to illustrate the point we are told of grandad Archie A
formidable character' recalls Kin
'but only five foot three inches tall and strong as an ox'.
Archie used to get drunk once a week, on a Saturday night. According to family legend, he came home one Saturday, proclaimed undying love for his wife Margaret and told
hole through the door SIC asked him to.
room with his fist'.
Help close Dideot on 16 Jan
power station. Following the successful picket several smaller ones were called at short notice,
TUC guidelines. In fact 150 tankers going into power station.
By Patrick Baker
It is vital that this traffic stopped and South Wales NUM and Oxford miners' support
South Wales NUM urges you to STOP SCAB OIL AT DIDCOT! Assemble 6.30am at the main gate Wednesday 16 January Harris introduced
Kinnock's authentic pedigree noted by
Glenys as she recalls their first date in the students'
union bar at Cardiff: 'He
had been knocked about
playıng rugoy that after
noon, drank too much anc
was violently sick
a case of me taking him home rather than the other
way round.'
Reviewed by
Martin Collins
His first pollica
speech is described as an
attempt to get back into
Glenys's good books but 11
take long for
childhood ambitions of
becoming a private detec
tive to be ditched in favour
been a time
upheaval elsewhere in
world, but Bedwelty stood
committee have called a mass picket January with that aim in mind.
As e are needed. Al possible are needea.
Party and trade
branches and support are invited to attend
Let's make 16 January a major labour movement MoD salul
• and stop oil going into Didcot power station. • For more information and leaflets phone Oxford 724317
unmoved. The moribund
Labour Party was to be the
stage for Kinnock's laun-
ching as the lefty that the
workers could identify with te
slots effortlessly
into crude and earthy con-
versations. There's
something of the beer
swilling rugby playing
boy about him.
Kinnock Tell strong v
that 'young Labour Party
supporters
neat and tidy and that long
hair was offensive to the
average voter' - hence the
ever present short back
and sides.
Sexist
Insecurity about his
own sexuality has at times
reached absurd lengths -telling sexist jokes Tribune rally, or boasting that he was on the 'balls wing' of the party to sup Michael Foot's sabotage of the infamous Bermondsey by-election. I'm not in favour of witch hunts, but I do not mistake bloody witches for fairies, he said. smallest fringe
contire at helen an
Cone ele (when nock's abstention almost certainly cost Tony Benn the deputy leadership) took place in the men's
Kent NUM call on you to stop scab oil at Tilbury Transport details from your trades council
For local support group or phone: 01-595 4252/01-981 6515
Food and cash collections are important but most of all the NUM needs action. TUC policy says scab oil should not be going in to power stations. This must not be merely
words on paper, but action.
Oil supplies must be stopped at Tilbury and every other power station. power workers have refused to handle scab fuel and that station has stopped generating. Let's follow that lead at Tilbury...and spread it to power stations across the south east. STOP THE SCAB OIL AT TILBURY
Camden Miners' Support Group BENEFIT
Friday 11 January "Pogues' and "Steel & Skin'
Hampstead Old Town Hall, Haverstock Hill, NW3
(Belsize Park tube)
Doors open 7.30pm • Bar and Food Tickets: £3.00 and £1.50 (concessions)
Hackney Miners' Support Committee
Solidarity With The Miners Rally
Thursday 17 January, 7.30
Stoke Newington Town Hall, Church St, N16
speakers include:
• Tony Benn MP • Emlyn Williams, South Wales NUM
• Betty Heathfield,
Women Against Pit Closures
• John La Rose, Race Today Collectiv
• Paul Foot, Daily Mirror an
Socialist Worker columnist
Neil Kinnock:
"red blooded lad'?
toilets of the Grand Hotel
As Kinnock washed his hands, en ran kicked his elbow. shadow seized
'Then
Kinnock recalls somebody in to check. was blood
in Hansard : complaining
opposite bemoaned picketing.
Picket
He asked them to put themselves the picketer's 'What would be the reaction of any red-blooded man in this House if he saw meone riding roughshod over his picket line? would be. In fact, I should what lily reaction
worried if it were not the case
The whole book provides a hilarious insight into the thoughts of a man why once shared a flat
News
West Thurrock with Don Concannon. On
'they once the Militant -stuck a dead rat and a used
- 'he
sidered (at the height pro-American over
thought is
there. Kinnock will still only 58. As
"the truth
'In Labour destroy the must
electoral with
ble the second
tolerable'
defined is for
book economics
Scope obviously
in history
• The
Kinnock,
Page 5 scan of this page
News
colliery in South Wales. Since the end of May he,
stationed in Hackney Town hall in the local government campaign unit to raise funds for the strike.
of the strike in his area. Is the back to work move-
biting in South LICIt
Wales?
On Monday last 117 miners went into work out of total of 22,000. This is the same number as before Christmas. One colliery, Methyr Vale, where two scabs were going in before enestuas iș now strikebound.
Another colliery, Cyn-
Merke voer ent is bei ng
TOCISSeOA has men working out of 1200.
Tony Holman WOrKS there. He's the back to work co-ordinator.
A letter is being sent to each NUM member South Wales with a form on the bottom that they can tear OII IO request special help to go back to work.
If enough people in any given colliery ask to go back the Board arranges transport and police escort into work.
This is their big push at the moment. The government is obviously behind LIs.
But why is the back to work movement so weak in South Wales?
I think it's because of
Even is there's uduliol. not total political aware-
people understand what trade unionism about.
They realise that this strike only about
LUL jobs in this industry; jobs for our children, but it is also about the future of our trade union.
one selse the fact that the coalfield is in decline
WOrKS adds us.
One Travels from Tall bon 35 from our
miles away to work. Colliery outh
Photo: JOHN HARRIS
Miners need
your support
COLIN TAPPER is a striking miner from Oakdale
along with other miners from his colliery, have been
VALERIE COULTAS asked him about the state
Pit closures mean that people are no longer workcomand ity. The pheis amst in the same communiy. a Diale ul work like any other job. another way this strengthens people's op position to closures because if the pit closes the community breaks up,
What was going on in your area at Christmas?
The feeling was very good over Christmas. Some children had better Christmas than ever. People pulled together to give the children presents and parties.
Before Christmas hopes were up but afterwards people started feeling 'which direction are we going to go now?'
As one man said to me: 'We picked up the gauntlet HORLOS ago. We've fought and stood by the Cause. DUL we ve olgul alone. Now it's someone else's turn to pick up that •anter co we can stand together and win' were feeling a bit lost and at sea. But the resolve's still there.
Neil Kinnock came to your lodge to justify his role the strike. How was he recieved?
He produced every speech and told the meetings he'd done. He reported on what he had said in parlament. He talked his way around the Pis it ert had ised muse cruisi, just actions than words would have more credibility today.
He's a mining Mr from a mining community. He should have spent
NCB
Nantgarw/ Mindsor
Photo: NEIL MARTINSON
the early days of the strike on the picket lines.
He hasn't even visited the food centres in his own constituency Iswlyn. people of Iswlyn have got A OL and it would have given ot respect for
them a big boost to see him there.
What's your view of the day forward to win the strike?
The state trying to alienate the NUM. We've
to alienate the state. We've got to win the argument and then mobilise to stop coal, oil, and all other substitute fuels.
What we've got to con. centrate on is winning peo-
Piass pickeing was un us.
Lu DuJullus.
cessful because the sheer scale of police activity.
At Orgreave they were waiting for us. The big DalLe occured just days before all the coke had been moved. In one
sense the mass picketing there came too late.
The NUM called on the rest of the trade union
movement to support but we didn't get the same response as at Saltley.
There it was not the
mass picket as such thal closed the coke depot. was the threat of strike acLU T engineering
workers. It was the power
vi LIl organised workers that closed it
because ty oth eh poitical
because the political context of this dispute, where the NUM has got a much harder battle on its hands, that the call for Sorvard m a more orga pist support neeus lo de ed way?
The only way we can effectively do that is for the grass roots to rise up. For eight weeks this strike was unofficial.
What we want is for others to follow our lead. The NUR members at Coalville are an example of this.
We know that the leadership in the trade unions won't fight. Chap ple's knighthood was decided on in 1974. The right wing a vece -filtrating the key positions over a long period now.
Yes those leaders base themselves on the defeats and setbacks of the social
cont reor and the be rals
workers who Haye fought the Tories but what
the NUM
KULI LU UI
m e enererg How is the right-wing fought and derealed
We've been asking for support for 10 months
We've asked the steelworkers, we've won
backing from the NUR from the Seamen. We've got to hold tight. What else can we do?
The Labour Party could give a lead and call a demonstration. lt should be showing that it exists to represent our class
That's why the Labour Party was formed to be the voice of the trade unions in parlament. It's about time our voice was heard.
Mineworkers
Date set
for demo
THE MINEWORKERS
tion early in the new year. March -
week to get their backing for the plan.
The meeting, which decided that it tas high, nas a very positive time activity in support of the NUM was stepped up. ANVI members there agreed with the proposa
o go ahead with the plan for a demonstration on that date.
The recall conference date having been set for 9 February first issue of the committee's •uneu Black SUTTOn having been mailed out, the meeting came forward with a number of useful initiatives that solidarity activists will want to put in their diaries.
BLACK DRAGON
Women in the committee intend call women's solidarity COaference in London at the beginning of March.
Ine representatives
from BLOC prope ed
SODOV the TUC with the committee on 23 Jallav IO CarCOn-
Rail solidarity
ALTHOUGH coal movement in the North West has cased since the miners' strike began oil traffic is increasing reports Lance Crossley, district council delegate from Miles Platting NUR branch.
Since the strike started the number of oil trains seems to have increased.
British Rail Board
claimed it was all domestic oil. But never before has this quantity of oil been transported
A lot of it is being moved during the night. , It's being taken to places like •eaDorouds ane Har. rogate but then it seems to disappear. NUk members are rer stations out scab power stations but lorry drivers may well be.
Socialist Action 11 January 1985
Defence Committee
Defence Committee meeting on Tuesday 8 January decided to push ahead with calling a labour movement demonstraThe date's been set - 9 - and members of the Campaign Group of MPs will be approaching the NUM over the next
gress policies to be im-
plemented. The committee agreed to bulld this lobby as long as the NUM endorsed it.
By Valerie Coultas
Jeremy Corbyn has aralted an appeal to the European trade movement set special fund to replenish
the NUM's funds in the face ot sequestration.
The meeting ended on an optimistic note when one member of the committee said that power cuts
DELEGATES: 2 Der TRAD: 1 D0 OTHER ORGANISATO
CONFIRMED SPEAKERS INCLUDE
PETER HEATHFIELD
TONY BENN
Management have kept a low profile in relation to the boycott of coal. If we find proof that oil is being used as substitute fuel for power stations our aim 1. to stop that as well. , Then management would come down heavy
The miners fight is our fight. IT ine pits close railway jobs would go as well
During the TUC day of action last year only 4 out of 80 guards crossed picket lines although of drivers went through.
The railways are rapidly deteriorating due to lack of investment. The inspec torae out tie rast sode o accidents down to vandalism. This is hardly an adequate explanation.
The truth is the stock we ale working wilh was
5 on Monday in Oxford Street, at Fords Dagenham and all over London were not simply due to 'breakdowns'
They were obviously a
sion to cynd pres
. to irv ana preserve electricity because of the strain on the generators due to cold weather and low coal stocks. They were likely to recur next week.
The planning group for the women's solidarity conference will meet (pm on 16 January in County Hall in Ken Liv ingstone's office.
The weekly bulletin costs f5 waged, £2 unwaged — it is free to striking miners for the first 8 issues. The deadline for copy each week is Thurs. day morning. Send to: 127 George Lane, London SE13.
Mineworkers Defence Committee
National Conference
Solidarity with
the NUM!
OCTAGON CENTRE
SHEFFIELD
SATURDAY FEBRUARY 9th
1 Der TRADE UHON ORGANISATON
BETTY HEATHFIELD
JOHN TOCHER PHIL HOLT
ROAGER OU ONG COFIE E CARE BRIO.
Accommodation. Credentials and Creche
Ring 01-981 3289 or write to Mineworkers Defence Committee, c/o 31 Cranwich Rd N16
only meant to last 15 to 20 years. Most of it is already over 30 years old.
The Signals and Telegraph Department threatened industria tion because management wanted the ulane alc of equipment to be spread over a longes period to save money. Management were forced to back down The removal of guards off trains will also affect - safety. . They've had trials already and they'd certain ly tighten up even more if the miners get beaten Knapp's been a complete let down.
In April we were of fered 4 per cent wage in. clasc. The union accepted The majority workmates think that at that point we could have been brought out alongside the miners.
Page 6 scan of this page
ONE OF the most phrases now being used in debates on the left on economic policy is "the control of capital'. It has been popularised particularly by Livingstone.
The issue, on which the content of the 'control of capital' has been nade completely clear demand for the nationalisation, by government, of the banking and financial system. This is the question Ken Livingstone has particularly tried to popularise.
Other supporters of the policy have COLC Industry/Employment Cmttee in a further. Mike Ward, chair of the reply to Roy Hattersley's economic strategy in the New Statesman, proposed that the full nationalisation of the banking system be accompanied
radical measures to take control of relations between Britain and the world economy measures including exchange controls, state control foreign trade, and taking over of asset proposed hull mati abration of Norto abroad.
oil to rebuilding of industry.
The reason the ideas of the control of capital have begun to achieve such popularity is that they are authentically different to either the right wing mass unemployment policies accepted and parsued by Roy Hattersley, anaemic and unworkable 'Alternative Economic Strategy' which used to be advocated by the Communist ad its supporters. Measures such the full nationalisation of the financial system, and complete
relations with есопоту, ur e indispensible part of any economic policy.
But there IS another reason why the phrase 'the control of capital strikes such an echo. because links with the discussion on the transition socialist economy - the real experience of all countries which have abolished capitalism. Every country abolished passed through successive phases doing so.
• Firstly and above all, the working dess must conquer political power without this the ownership and control
of the economy by capitalism cannot be
broken. This conquest or
power need not, indeed usually does
not take place around
economic issues at all but, for example,
flows out of struggle
dictatorship, fight
independence, etc.
• Secondly state and workers control
of the economy must be established -
for without this the real practical power
and control of the capitalists over the
• LULLY cannot be broken.
workers' control
'the control of capital'
develop before the working class takes
political power it cannot become a
comprehensive and complete economic
system until state power is in the hands
of the working class.
• Thirdly. when practical control of
the state and economy has been taken
into the hands of the working class the
capitalists can in reality, as opposed to
parely legally and formally,
propriated - the full nationalisation of
I the decisive sectors of the economy
be carried through.
The time it takes to pass through
these phases differs. In Russia, under
the pressure of civil war, the regime of
workers' control, and of 'the control of
capital', lasted only six months before
the full nationalisation of the economy
— although Lenin and Trotsky pointed
out that the extreme speed with which
this process had to be carried through
caused great economic damage. They
would have preferred, if the foreign in-
and civil war
developed, to carry
economic processes much more slowly.
In the case of China, which was not
faced revolution with
mediate foreign intervention,
6 Socialist Action
widespread
Ken
is the immediate
Labour complete
of
for the
For the
Party
control the world
absolutely
socialist
historical
classical
CLU
which has
necessarily
political
directly
against national
and ordered way
While wrest, by degrees, - a real regime of
munist Manifesto. - can begin to
political considerations may
no economic consequences.
light of a specific situation.
ex- carried out workers' and
tion of the economy.
capital'
parliament
because state had not possessed by through LIC means but
imthe full
11 January 1985
The City, nerve-centre of capital nationalisation of the economy did not take place for several years after the working class had taken political state power. Other tempos are possible.
The speed with which such a transition must be carried out is a purely tactical question. From an economic point of view it would be preferable to make this transition in the economy in a slow
for the working class to use 'its political supremacy to
all capital from the bourgeoisie' as Marx put it in the Com-
However concrete make necessary to proceed much more rapid-
wildl the immediate •
This question of tempo is a concrete matter which can only be decided in the
But this reality, that the actual expropriation of the bourgeoisie, the nationalisation of the economy, can only
practice through control of the economy, remains true in every case. A real 'control of capital' is precisely the transition to the practical nationalisa-
The approach of 'the control of
therefore completely counterposed to the absurd proposal of the Militant that the capitalist class can be expropriated by passing an act of
nationalising 250 monopolies. No expropriation of the capitalist class by such parliamentary means could take place at all - both
power would be the working class by such Also because no practical control of the economy would exist.
It is the approach of 'the control of capital', but carried through in a much
more thorough-going way than its ad-
HAD 16N
АВТОР РЕЖИССЕР О. ДОВЖЕЧ vocates at present envisage, that is the real way to approach the transition to a socialist economy. Nationalisation of the financial system, and control of Britain's relation the economy, must be extended into the industrial sector through workers' control if a real transition to a socialist economy is to take place.
In order to show the real historical and theoretical framework in which the control of capital should be looked at, the classic case remains that of the Rus
which is what our sian Kevolution article by DAVE BAILEY looks at. It originally appeared in the journal International in 1977. Socialist Action has edited it.
RECENT YEARS revival of interest on the European left in the subject of workers' control of production. socialism has suffered from its identification Stalinism, and the rediscovery of slogans which, another, embody the theme workers' democracy, has served to reassert the connection socialism and the liberation of the working class.
The power is surely one of the greatest impediments to he socialism in the West and it is vitally important that socialists be able
demonstrate that power can and does require that the institutions of a both political and industrial, be run by the workers discussion of one workers' control of production, is therefore to be welcomed.
In Britain this revival animated to a large extent by the In stitute of Workers Control (IWC). This has made a overcoming the idea, prevalent among most workers today that socialism automatically implies bureaucracy.
On the other hand there are serious political weaknesses in the discussion The literature is doggedly Anglocentric
— and workers' control of production,
roperly speaking, has hardly ever be
t ablishe Britain resolutely avoids discussing the great revolutionary upheavals of the past, in which abundant examples of workers' control can be found
In the early days of the Communist International, workers' control was not
used as a synonym for workers' self
management of industry in a socialist society, as is often done today. On the contrary, a sharp distinction was drawn between workers' workers' control, the latter term being reserved for a particular phase of tran sition from capitalism to
During this transitional phase, the
proletariat, rather than move directly
the management of
might simply exercise control over the
capitalists.
tinued existence of the capitalists and
their administrators for a temporary
period.
Some of the confusion which sur-
rounds the subject of workers' control
is terminological in origin,
Communist tradition
workers' management is used to refer
to the administration of things (alter
the bourgeoisie world while control is used to refer to the ad-
ministration
cosic)
English-speaking world by the fact that
'the words 'control' and 'management'
are frequently interchangeable in com-
mon English usage.
draw a finer distinction between
two ideas: contrôle and gestion in Fren-
ch, control and gerencia in Spanish,
kontrolia and upravleniye in Russian.
use the term 'control'
The
of ca
have seen a
For decades grievously with
in one way or of
between
Stalinis: model of state
advance
proletarian
workers' state,
themselves. The such slogan,
has been
modest contribution ferently to unfortunately
munist tradition.
tention.
movement but also
tunity,
workers' property
management and
learn that a planned
But Lenin
production,
This presupposes the con-
the distribution under TO f
for in the the of the
been removed), property, of persons (the bourgcapitalists Confusion is compounded in the porters.'
Impending
the
elimination.
On In engilsn, many peopic Inoccuu.
to refer indif-
Workers' control - a question of who r
all forms of • workers' sovereignty in industry, thus obscuring the distinctions made in the Com-
Nevertheless, in all countries, the slogan of 'workers' control' has been an object of political con-
The reason is that to many people, the idea that the working class
should nationalise private property and substitute workeradministrators for the capitalists and bourgeois managers at the first oppor
represents unacceptable compromise with capitalism. Anarcho. syndicalist writers, for example, con sciously refuse to employ the term control as anything but a synonym for
management of socialised
By Dave Bailey
Many may therefore be surprised to
by workers' control the Bolsheviks meant something less than the complete socialisation of industry.
who wrote great deal on the subject during the Russian revolution, was quite unam biguous on this In his April Theses, he stated: It is not our immediate task to "introduce" socialism. but only to bring social production and
of products at once control of the Soviet of Workers Deputies.
In his pamphiet Can the Bolsheviks Retain State Power?, written on the eve
October Revolution, Lenin stated: "The important thing will not be even the confiscation of the capitalists'
but country-wide, embracing workers' control over the
and their possible
Another important pamphlet, The
Catastrophe and How to Combat It, a comprehensive statement of Bolshevik economic policy published in October 1917, speaks repeatedly of 'control over' and 'supervision of the capitalists and not their immediate
coming to power, the Bolsheviks pursued no other policy.
Page 7 scan of this page
control
* the power efore the escalation of the civil war in lay 1918, nationalisation (of whole inastries) on government orders went no arther than the banks and the sugar indicate, and although local soviets ten confiscated factories wn initiative, a large part of industry mained in private hands
Why did the Bolsheviks adopt such blicies? Trotsky's explanation ran as allows: "The very idea of this slogan vorkers' control) was the outgrowth ¡ the transitional regime in industry then the capitalist and inistrators could not longer take a opkers: but on the other hand, when without le workers had not as yet provided the olitical prerequisites for nationalisa-
nor • yet seized the allacillcill. rgans essential for this.' not yet created
Furthermore: "The proletariat ... is terested in seeing to it that the transion from the private capitalist to the ate capitalist and then to the socialist ethod of production be accomplished ith the least nd the least drain upon the national ealth. That is why, ower and even after seizing power by ay of the boldest and most decisive ruggle, the proletariat amonstrate complete Teles tablish a transitional regime in ectories, plants, and banks.
The foundations of this reasoning te partly political, partly technical. et us examine the
ine empioyers i kussia sabotazed
oduction extensively during the mons prior to the revolution and for some
afterwards, hoarding stering monstrous inflation, and so
L. Indeed, the bouregoisie invariably
barks on economic sabotage dur• periods of revolutionary unheaval.
atly out of fear for the future of
rate property, partly in a spirit of
chievous obstruction. The means of
dation, distribution, and exchange
Russian proletariat therefore zi? tar-reaching measures to
pital
'political prerequisites'
their industry. The
mere excresence on societv. but
and administering
immediately.
Difficulty
technical
the apparatus for
around Bukharin disagreed with
COVISORs
the National Economy. while nearing
will
The
goods, must learn from tier
perience
the needs people.
designed
count of the difficulties
ONALUN
F TEA
avert complete economic and political catastrophe. During the revolution itself, however, the proletariat lacked the
and 'organs of technical management' needed to run
bourgeoisie, like any other ruling class in history, is not a
performs a specific role in the social division of labour, in this case organising
production. The revolutionary class does not come to good. power fully equipped with the skills and institutions needed to assume that role
The Bolsheviks had considerable difficulty in organising a nation-wide
running industry. through December 1917, for example, the group
and Radek, which restrict Lenin's policy and favoured immediate nationalisation of all major industry, secured the creation of Vesenkha, the Supreme Council of
But even they did not find it practical to proceed imIncalalely to sweepig Haulonalisallull.
In practice, Vesenkha's authority did not extend much beyond Petrograd when the itself. I: had no plan of production and obliged
trained personnel the
or even clerks — able to coordinate 232 administators, halitials manage DOU A 445
Via=
something to learn, for te ra! 2i i% prolelallal and its vangua 2'= o er
independen: work organising giant enterprise: which serve
of millions of
The policy of workers' control was respond bourgeois and of the proletariat in managing the entire economy
directly without relying on the expertise of the capitalists and their agents.
employers and merchants to publi gaze, to prevent them from sabotaging production, and to persuade them, by force where necessary, to remain their posts. If some could be compelled to continue productive activities, ject to strict accounting and invigilation by the workers, that would be all to the
At the same time, the new regime would gain a breathing space during which to form new institutions, train a cadre of communist administrators, and repair the infrastructure so as to draw the workers into the management of industry at all levels of the state. Workers' control. theretore an interim policy designed to see the revolution
most arduous period, would serve a twofold purpose:
and gradually suppress social power of the bourgeoisie while simultaneously enabling the proletariat to train itself to manage industry.
State employees
Even during War Communism.
exigencies of the ail == the Bolsheviks to bulk of the industrial economy 'transferred to the manage
capransis and ineir Finistrators, offering them posts in inJustry as ordinary state employees.
The political aims of the workers' control policy were explained by Trotsky this way: 'By its readiness to establish transitional forms of workers' control, the proletarian vanguard wins over to its side the more conservative strata of
bourgeoisie. especially the technical, administrative.
banking staffs. Should capitalists and the entire upper layer of the administration demonstrate an ut-
irreconcilability o conome sabotard. responsibility for the severe measures that follow therefrom will fall, in the eyes of the nation, workers but upon the hostile classes.? Such, he added, is the 'political import' of the slogan workers' control.
This issue was of particular importance Russia, bourgeoisie (in this case the peasantry) constituted an outright majority of the population tions carried out whether locally or nationally, described as 'punitive' for sabotage or non-cooperation by the owners.
Although Russia was cut reasonabie to political import of the policy played its part in the Bolshevik success. As Trotsky wrote, the slogan of workers' control 'retains an enormous (political significance independently degree to which it will be realised in reality, if realised at all'.
The controls exercised by various proletarian institutions revolution were quite comprehensive
with present-day discussions in Britain about workers' control will be surprised to hear just what the measures taken entailed. issued in April 1917 by the 'exploratory conference of the Petrograd War Industries', stated: 'From the Factory Committee should emanate all instructions concerning inten organsauote usual. tions concerning such matters as hours
work, wares. holidays, etc). The factory manager to be kept notified.'
Inspection
At the first Petrograd Factory Committees, which met in May 1917, Lenin's resolution which passed overwhelmingly, that to establish control it is necessary, first to make certain that in all the basic
The HISLILULOIS workers, not less than three-fourths of there Is a all the votes, and that all owners who have not deserted their business, as well
the trained personnel, participate'. Furthermore, all commercial and bank accounts were ordered , subopen to inspection by any shop or tac tory committee, central or local soviet, or trade union, with compelled to supply them with all the data'
The Second Conference of Factory Committees declared that the committees had 'the right to dismiss all those who could not guarantee normal relations with the workers' and that 'administrative factory personnel can only enter into service with the consent of the Factory Committee' powers were codified at the First Allto Russian Conference of Factory Comthe mitte. This conference accorded the tober. factory committees the power to 'exclude from participation in the discussion any member ministration' and to enterprise in the event of illegal acts'
In other words, meant that the workers reto power over the dersiass a! the =tes
Have fear, workers 'would institute such supervision that every Tit Titych will be surrounded as the French were at Sedan'. The workers would be sovereign. In his History of the Russian Revolution, Trotsky tells us that during the summer of 1917, when workers' first put into effect, the workers in various parts of the country were subjecting individual employers enforced appearance before the soviet, now to house arrest... no wonder that the workers' milita became an object of special hatred to the possessing classes'.
by resorting to the Bolsheviks
not upon the
where the petty
Most of the nationalisa-
October, the were revolution
exclude workers' control in dustrialists
short, seems 'agreements'
conclude
domination.
of the
Writers
during the
only
One of the earliest decrees
factory committees of
and should hiring and firing,
stantly
full congress of
stated
majority of claim. get into the scientifically and technically
are compelled to Veto
And management movement managerial Commission idea All these
which met on the eve of Oc-
Wing about
of the factory ad- minster
workers' control would have democracy
:: =2=3-
DELITA
said Lenin, the reasons
tion to socialism. control was
uccessal yo 'now to
Socialist Action 11 January 1985
In other words, as conceived by the
workers' control implied that the working class would hold ef fective state power. The February insurrection, after which the soviet formed, had delivered nearly all real power to the armed proletariat and soldiers (with the exception of the governmental apex; in this sense, LIULSKY able to say that 'the dictatorship of the workers and soldiers had already been a fact ever since 27 February', and Lenin frequently spoke of the possibility of
'peaceful development' of the
Naturally, this state of affairs -proletarian power — did not altogether
agreements with the Nevertheless, such occurred under the massive weight of organised proletarian
This reflected an alignment of forces opposite to that of trade unionism, where workers are permitted to bargain and come to agreements, but
under the organised weight of bourgeois domination.
on workers' control sometimes imply that control is an intermediate state of affairs prior to the outbreak of the revolution.
But the value of such demands does not depend on their realisation before the revolution. The purpose of raising the demand for control today, like the objective function of factory occupations and other such episodic struggles is primarily to expose the bourgeoisie and to prepare the workers for a strug gle to overthrow it To this end, every opportunity must be used to promote the idea that the labour movement can
take the place the employing class at the head of society
This means that socialists must con-
question existing Why shouldn't the labour movement have unconditional access to all company information? A community, for example, has an absolute right to know if a company is planning to close a plant upon which many thousands depend for their livelihood. Again, it is unnecessary to know a company's financial condition before formulating wage claim, but the demand that the books be opened will often silence a recalcitrant employer who rejects a
Furthermore workers should habit of demanding the right to invigilate company finances
why shouldn't the labour have • the right veto decisions? The Bullock formally endorsed the 'industrial democracy. But what is democracy if not the rule of the majority? Since the workers are indisputably the majority in industry, they should have nothing less than a majority on every management board in industry, and certainly on every commission ostensibly set up to "control' private entrepreneurs. If the employers will not grant the workers 'industrial suffrage' they had better stop chatter.
industrial democracy and confess that 'democracy' does not ex. tend beyond the bounds of West-
The labour movement should constantly seek to establish the justice and rationality of the claim for
- that is to say, workers soard:. To demard workers contre. s
=e: May peopie may come to ques tion ownership through understanding
behind resistance to con trol. The demand for control is an explosive one regardless of the extent to which a phase of workers' control may actually materialise during the transi-
There can be no socialist revolution unless the workers are convinced that it
possible, and just deprive the employing class of its commanding role in industr and to propriate its property. The demand for workers' control can play an importan role in convincing them.
7
Page 8 scan of this page
8
aHL $86L Э41
элву ASED
Spur JO TITO
1041
авалов.
01
sau put
CHITRA P
tual раздал
Opus
1IRA
puB u!
MOU
pue
MAD
pue PINg
seM pastes 10]
9861 Runnunr Il
Элви SBY 000107 pue
Suoje 01
Summa 281 1 pue
- Saad
Jou
(Sad SEM цувш Saxon Isol
- палов POOL pase uo
Sunny
Use
• (uờ sSop pue (sqnp pue -u!
Inger jo
-u!
JOI SEM 1! Inq
• 0100
рив шари •086L
SOX SBM
B you s! ll,
'(NSAN)
Jou
S! 1I
jo NSA ¡noqe шац] рив рив в Элви раз!!! JO auo s! OM) HIRTEE
dn Jo (вро1
sny!
I86L uB pue
Top Jou santas Элена 1BU4 U!, J0u anoqe
alos 000'0z sqo! oste 1 13 1 15a1) pue
э47 ц!
TOOTA
Jo
pue oS
pue
'OS A 343 431 sandal
$86L
passpond rain
MESJBM 10 SO AT NOTOS
э47
01 4SNI0 01
all jam
Ramos
suonsod asoum
Jo paspunIs
pa
jo
(изом
uado, pue JO 10u aq OS
'uorun u!
HO I
Ing 1u8nos 01 147 1489 Ino
Page 9 scan of this page
The fight for Irish self-determination
International
Sinn Fein, on the struggle for Irish independence.
Last year's Labour Party resolutions condemning searches, resolution calling for self-determination for the Irish people and the immediate withdrawal of British troops was lost.
Left MP Martin immediate withdrawal. It would create a bloodbath, he said, and was a demand not even Sinn Fein in Ireland campaigned for.
Concluding O'NEILL asked Joe Austin what Sinn Fein's view of the tasks of the British labour movement was.
Martin Flannery
misquoting Fein.
What have said consistentiv for the last 1s years is that what has to be cone recognition of the right of the Irish people to self-determination. If we can negotiate for the Brits to leave next Tuesday, then we'll do
But the reality is that such negotiations have to ROMAN CATHOLIC mother of 10, Gillick, has won her appeal for no contraceptive or abortion information or treatment to be given to young under 16 permission.
The judges said they were ruling legal grounds only and that it was now up to parliament
change the law The ruling applies only
young men will
buy sheaths from chemists onlineutic
The ruling brought an immediate outery from the medical profession, who
now placed the difficult position of having
prescribing contraception for young wuntel even when they have already been doing so they can persuade the vouno woman to tell her parents.
It is feared that this will not simply mean more
pregnancies, but could also lead to blackmarket birth-
BEFORE CHRISTMAS Socialist Action carried an interview with JOE AUSTIN, chairperson of Belfast
conference passed plastic bullets, strip and the use of Diplock courts. But a
Flannery argued against
interview, REDMOND
take place. We have said to Flannery, Varule Lne Labour Party and the British left generally that a number of things have to take place before the Brits leave, in order to make the Brits leave sooner rather than later.
First the Loyalist veto has got to be challenged Number two, the right of Ireland to selfaetermination nas to recognised and take place. 'Give 'em hell, lads. Remember you're fighting to preserve ine same kind of system that gave you no better choice than to join the army and come out here and get shot at in the first place'
Victoria Gillick
wins appeal
Victoria
without their parents'
control pills and an increase in VD (as young women will be worried about going to a doctor with evidence of illegal sexual activity).
By Leonora Lloyd
The DHSS has indicated will be appealing to the House of Lords and hopes the case will be heard within month. A number of 'prolife' Tory MPs claim this will be a waste of money.
Presumably, if the verdict had gone the oller way, they wouldn't complain about Mrs continuing use of public funds in the form of legal aid.
It is not certain that the reverse the verdict and ill House Lords uney do, no doubt tores will attempt to get the law changed prevell doc
Those actually quicken the Dale British withdrawal rather than delaying it. Flannery arguing for delaying
rather than speeding up the process which is what our position is.
With regard to the British labour movement, what we seek is a normal Teanonstito.
The British labour
sections of it, has got a fair
LOTIN ILS
policies for national
liberation and selldetermination. But the closer you come England, the fuzzier those concepts become.
We have delegations here virtually on a weekly basis. We find there is a sliding scale: Nicaragua no problem; South Africa — no problem; Ireland well... er...ehm...Ireland's a problem!
But we will not allow the British labour ШУС• ment to be neutral. You can't be It's a violation of socialist printors treating young women without their parents permission.
it is important not to wait till this happens before slating calll-
One does not nave lo favour early sexual activity to believe that it is important that young people get all the available informanon they neco to make up their own minds. And,
have sex. that they do so in a responsible manner. That means avoiding unwanted pregnancies.
Victoria Gillick believes - that the means no one can give advice to the under-16s about contraception or abortion
and that includes sex education! But there is no evidence to show that ignorance enhances 'innocence'. Quite the contrary • ле pete educated tend to start their Sexual laler ural those who get little or no accurate sex education.
The ruling ignores the
iple to be neutral in term
f oppressio
I don't want to be offensive unpleasant to our comrades in England, but we will not allow yuu to be neutral. we seek s normal relationship, that's all.
We don't ask the Labour Party to be divided by the Irish struggle.
by the English struggle, le
alone the Irish
That said, from a tactical point of view, how can people expect motions calling for the immediate witnarawal be successful at the British Labour Party conference? When you look the complexion of the British labour movement you see
the the Labour Party on the ponucisation question of Ireland hasn't even begun.
From comradely point of view, I would say that the struggle in terms of politicising sections of the labour movement has to begin. In five years time we can talk about getting the Labour Party ference to call for mediate British withdrawal not the other way round
The only policy that you can adopt, and the one which is a foundation of everything else, is self-determination Self-determination, if it's suc-
•oens une coo l Brit withdrawal. It's a sort of stepping-stone to Brit withdrawal.
Unfortunately people like the Irish Solidarity Movement make demands on the British working class that we wouldn't even make on them. For example that as a precon-
for concern on Ireland you have to support the The IRA didn't even make that de mand in Ireland! Sinn Fein reality many do the people's lives, and poor nature of their rela tionships with their
It is clear from parents' attitude to sex education than many prefer schools and doctors impart information to their children. And many youngsters who choose not to take their parents into their connaence do so because une.) sense their parents don't want it KIOw.
The National Abortion Campaign has taken the challenge of the ruling and produced an action
is holding a meeting on
holding meeting on Saturday 12 January, 2pm, to discuss setting up
broad-based Callay to ensure that the Appeal
if not in the Lords, then in parliament.
• The meeting is at, and more information available Wesley House, 70 Great Queen Street, London WC2B SAX.
don't make it a precondition for support anywhere
At the other end of the scale people like Neil Kinnock snould not be allowed to hide behind mere
like evented unification' So against both of those types of position you need strategy sections of labour movement and forces the labour movement in the direction of support for self-determination.
We. are effectively a
he beginning of that pr
BEEP I LEGAL
Photo: MARK ROSNER
FEBRUARY 1985 will see the tenth versary of the founding of the 'National Abortion Campaign. And NAC wants to celebrate with all its friends!
NAC came into being in response to the White anti-abortion bill and stayed around to fight the Benyon and Corrie bills which followed. They were all defeated by the combined strength of the women's movement and the labour movement.
The campaign's aim is not just to change the law, but to change society's attitudes.
Socialist Action Irish women bang their bin lids in protest at the death of a hunger striker
The explanation of the Irish situation explanation of our English problem - - hasn't happened in the British labour movement. It has to happen.
What are useful are
positions like the Labou
Party conference motior condemning the use of plastic bullets in spite of the opposition of people like Merlyn Rees.
The Labour Party position on paid perjurer: is a sound one. The posi tions on Armagh and the
Happy Birthday NAC!
At present the most disadvantaged - working class and black - women law, bust also because be Not because of the economic circumstances and racist attitudes.
The highlight of NAC's tenth birthday celebrations will be demonstration and rally in Glasgow on Saturday 16 February. Glasgow was chosen because that's where James White MP came from
celebrations will close in London Monday 4 March, with an anniversary meeting in the House or commons witt
• 11 January 1985 strip searches are sound positions.
These are obviously platforms which can be built on in the British labour movement.
ora troops onese of withdrawn, of course. the right of the Irish to self-determination is being acknowledged, then why
need 40,000 members of the British security forces over here to subjugate thatdrawal
withdrawal of troops follows on from self-determination.
Jo Richardson MP.
Up alic the country members and supporters are encouraged
organise events And NAC organising exhibition highlighting the last 10 years of struggle Search your memories and attics to help build the exhibition! Anything loan.
will be returned required.
• Donations and offers of help are welcome. For more details contact NAC at Wesley House, 70 Great WE 34% Stre Telephone London 01-405 4801 or 01-993 2071.
Page 10 scan of this page
TARGET LABOUR Government is calling a national conference in conjunction with Labour Briefing on 16 February in Birmingham's Digbeth Hall.
ing Was the chance to start the process of reselecting their MP or parliamentary candidate.
Speculation centres on whether well-known figures such as Peter Shore, John Silkin and Reg Freeson will be removed by their local parties, and replaced by left wingers like Ken Livingstone.
There's no doubt that the miners' strike has made manv abour union activists think again ahout the role of the Par-
Labour Party. the scabbing role ot many of the Labour front bench,
Kinnock, has refuelled the desire of
ransack the anillalles PLP.
How many MPs have campaigned actively for the miners in the past ronins escanne PLP has shown any
The continual desire of Labour and union activists to have parliamentary representatives who share their aspirations and
lies behind the Sialty support for Target Labour THE House of Lords rejected Muhammad Idrish's appeal against deportation on November.
On the same day the Home Office issued Muhammad with a letter of intent to deport him. Now Idrish has lodged an appeal with the adjudicator.
NALGO, Muhammed's union, have a policy iron muel 1983 and '84
Demonstrate on Wednesday 30 January
NALGO national day of action:
Muhammed Idrish must stay!
Assemble 12 noon Booth Street Recreation Ground, off Soho Road, Handsworth, Birmingham. March to Central Hall, City Centre for a rally. Stop Deportations Now!
Socialist Action 11 January 1985
Target Labour Government
What policies
for Labour?
The media have already latched on to the open. of the new reselection season in the Labour Par. Since last December local constituencies have
Government. Its national conference will be an ideal aiscussing tic type of Labour government that activists want to carry through radical and socialist policies.
By Davy Jones, Islington South Labour Party
Policy papers aave been prepared for the conterence aroune issues sucH as coalma policy fence international and policy, social policy, freedom. iustice and the state They aim to stimulate radical native policies to previous right wing Labour governments.
Both Labour CND and the Labour Committee on Ireland have supported the
There will also be a disCussion positive discrimination to ensure and black HOIC MPs. The conference is an
Idrish must stay!
conferences to call a day of action. The day has now been named: 30 January 1985.
Many NALGO branches will be taking ininlcuding strikes on day. Th callaumas ownedict a crucial stage.
Muhammed must stay and the racist laws which allow this situation to haphighlighted. A big turn out must be fought and on 30 January will be d good start.
opportunity for women and biack people within the party to state their case
united way for measured representation.
Both the Women's Action Committee and the Black Section Steering Committee have agreed to sponsor and build the con1c clue conference will
conclude with a rally on building movement get rid of the Tories. While highlighting the tremendous struggle of the miners and its potential to remove the hated Tory ment, it will also discuss building a lett wing across the labour movement committed socialist policies and a transformation of the PLP.
Labour Briefing, jointLabour Government con- organising the largel terence, will be drgung ol strengthening the national bnenng nelwork a ke step in building Labour's left wing. • Speakers the conference include Tony Benn, Ken Livingstone, Merle Amery, Frances Morrell and Bernie Grant.
Details and registration from: JOnes Barnsbury Street, London
J 131550 IMMICRATION ACT 19?
DO MONUMED IRIST
ins vou to leave the United Kingdom and prohibiting you fro
entering while the order is in force.
alrec tone lor your removal to bangladen.
. We say: Muhammad must stay
DEMONSTRATE
sur.
etter
y.
They say Muhammad must go
Deciaios to aake a deportation order
The Secretary of State has therefore decided to make an order by virtue of section 3(5) of the Inmigration Act 1971 réquir-
He proposed to give
Target Labour Government: radical alternatives to previous right wing Labour governments
Labour must fight
immigration laws
her three year old daughter.
and Asian families this year.
Mrs Halal's deportation is another gloomy example of Tory values which place harsh racist rules first, and decent family life and citizenship nowhere.
Ayse Halal, a 32 year old Cypriot-born missed British citizenship by an unfortunate quirk of fate - because her parents forgot to register her while she was under 18, after the family. emigrated from Cyprus in 1971.
Both her sons, aged four and eight, are British by birth. Her brother has nao British citizenship since 1976, and both her Parcus nave been british citizens since 1947.
Indeed her father served in the British army in Cyprus for 25 years.
All this counted for noting Interviewed on BBC Waddington TV
about her deportation. ne proceeded on mono logue about the rules, ignoring the interviewer's attempted interiections Ilke 'but aren't you splitting this family?' and 'isn't this a case for compassion?'.
Finally Waddington had the gall to say that Mrs Halal herself who
AS 1985 BEGINS, Tory racism rolls on. David Waddington, Home Office minister responsible for immigration matters, wished an unhappy new year to Ayse Halal and her family by deporting her and
Waddington's implementation of immigration laws is ruthless and relentless. And he has similar plans for unhappiness for thousands of other black,
By Harry Cohen, MP for Leyton
splitting her family by not taking her sons with her.
What a lie! The boys are British and have lived in Britain all their lives It is the Home Office under the Tories which has divided this family — as it did with Afia Begum, for whom toughi, and countless others in recent years After the last minute appeal to Mrs Thatcher by Ayse's MP, John Silkin which met with a predic table (non response Mrs Halal and her
of the country just as the South African athlete Zola Budd arrived. Mrs Hala commented: "If I'd been a runner rather than mother, I'd have been allowed to stay.
This month should see the publication of a critical
News
Commission for Racial Equality report on immigration policies. It was started after vaginal ex-
women had begun Heathrow in 1979
The report has been long delayed. , because the government tried to stop it
The Home Office has forced parts of at to be rewritten
Its central conclusion is that current policy causes distress and humiliation to black people who have legal rights to live in Britain, and it does serious
This has long been ap. parent even to the Tory government.
But they have other ob-
like appeasing the racist right wingers : in their own party. The government is also appealing to what it knows is ignorant racism in the community, instead of combatting it
The Tories of course have an eye to what they think will be their politica advantage from such policy. However the battle inhole against this racis the community as will be incessant and increasing until, along with its promoter and appeasers, it is swept away.
Labour must give
higher profile to the fight against immigration and naLUllallt' alls and
guara famines rike s
families like together in this coumery. Halal's remain
Page 11 scan of this page
London Labour Party special conference
News
on jobs
and local jobs and services. That means a firm commitment: to
movement each council decides to adopt.
Just before Christmas, the ILEA
USU brought against them by Westminster council. The judge ruled that the 'Save ILEA' had
DID CILY 'persuasive' as well as in¡ormational content. The ILEA appealing the decision, but have withdrawn such publicity till then.
Of course, in view of all the decisions last year
the court shourd sel thin
should this way. And it affects the GLC campaign as well.
Unti legal advice Is ODtained, GLC publicity has Decl LOO the Democracy for Lon-
CanDago Deer reduced from nine workers to two as a result of this decision.
As yet the GLC Labour group has taken no decision on what stand it will take in March. Left wingers like John McDonnel ano kes avnestone favour a position of not scillle alalc an illegal action for any precepting authority to take.
But some right wingers in the Labour group have IN THE WAKE of the recent pay struggle, long standing shop steward Bob Cullen has just been sacked by British Leyland's Cowley management.
Cullen, who last year was elected deputy senior shop steward, was accused of damaging the wiper of a foreman's car.
The incident is supposed to have happened Gate 16, on an early Sunday morning picket during the overtime ban pre-
Stand firm
and services
THE NEW YEAR marks a crucial stage in the campaign against the Tory attacks on local government. Early in March councils up and down the country will be making their budgets and setting their rates.
that Labour councils, together with local government unions and community organisations, take a united stand against the Tory assault on democracy
legislation - based on mass action by the labour
Lake de. tion outside the law - and that Cavilig in without a fight.
In that context the forthcoming special conTerence of Greater London Labour Party (GLLP) will be an important one. It takes place on Saturdav ly Januarv and will consider a policy state1i Ull the executive together with amendments submitted by local parties a cacer
By Carol Turner
Botn Democracy for London anu LOnGOn Bridge campaigns are supresolution constituencies calling for Labour councillors who prepared to take illegal' action to and allow by-elections with candidates who are.
Brigades Union and others have suonulico dr Cameroment along these lines to the GLLP conference.
During the next week many London parties will be electing delegates and considering their position.
Frame-up at Cowley
ceeding the pay strike.
The only problem is that Cullen was on duty at Gate 10 and has 12 written coullals SuD including one from the security guard who says he spend most of his time there talking to Bob! company's only witness to the contrary is himself, Derek Jones, whose CvIucuce soncwid shaky to say the least. was dark, raining neavily, Jones nimsel nad sight in only one eye. His
after an interview with managemichl.
Raiga
This conference will be the first opportunity 1985 for the London
crystal clear that it will fight Tory local ment policy right through
the end. Conference must demand that all Labour councillors take a united stanne against government attacks The vass of that stand is: no compliance with the Tory laws united action to defend local government jobs and
None oI Ine security personnel on Gate 16 can Tennemse Culler being there. In addition there are
• Lestoas naming actual culprits.
Despite this overwhelming evidence, Cullen
been sacked. The whole affair can only be a frame up.
The incident occurred outside company property and jurisdiction Any complaint should have gone to the police, two of whom were on Gate 16 at the time. Yet Jones didn't even bother to inform them.
malgo HA
nulgo
London Bridge
Conference
under attack from previous cuts.
tions against rate-capping -
The local union has refused to accept the company's decision, asking the company to test its case in Ine courts. Ine company s refusal to do so is in stark contrast to their thusiasm during the pay strike!
Cullen's victimisation is part of the same policy which has seen the sacking
Derek Robinson Alan Thornett, as well _ a:
Lne unlateral imposition disci die. dictatorial code of
The difference is thai in this case management know perfectly
1-80
relgo
nolgo
HANDS OFF THE ME COUNTIES:
THEGLO
The London Assembly
Saturday 23 February Wembley Conference Centre
What to do about abolition rate-capping
and jobs
Further details: phone 01-633 4400
or write to: M Saunders, Room 217, County Hall,
London SE1 RATE-CAPPING and the restrictions on local authority capital spending are the most concerted government attack yet on local government workers and the services they
Thousands of workers face the prospect of unemployment as a result of these Tory
massive deterioration in services already
The question is not whether to take acbut when and how! London Bridge campaign — the joint committee of local government workers in the London boroughs — is organising a conference of workers and tenants to discuss just
Cullen didn't do what they say he did.
It is also now apparent that Cullen's sacking is to followed . by Turne actions against other stewards.
The local TGWU branch has called for national union intervention and Cullen himself has publicised his case widely Ine Oxford labour movement.
He hopeful that when the issue comes to the plant membership he will get mass support. We must make sure this happens.
Socialist Action 11 January 1985
GLLP Policy
Statement
democratic accountability and control. freeze in 1985-6. 4 Recognising that the
both locally
other attacks such
Consules democratic freedoms in facilitate local campaigns.
ty control.
services are at risk.
basis of collective bargaining.
the next.
same time.
hit by further penalties and grant loss.
legislation retrospectively from any penalty, losses and cuts required by ment's local government legislation. present situation, and includes time for
actions, privatisation, and Tory policy.
Parties are invited to send delegates.
Bridge Campaign, London Borough of
11 1 The Greater London Labour Party (Regional Council) reaffirms its suport for Labour councils defending and promoting jobs and services under
2 Furthermore, we recognise that Labour councils are in the forefront of the battle against this government in protecting jobs and services and we call upon all trade unions and other sections of the labour movement to give full support to those councils in confrontation with the government. 3 The Greater London Labour Party calls upon all Labour councils to construct their budgets for 1985-6 in accordance with local wishes, but ensuring the maintenance of existing services and jobs and recognising the growing needs of their com munities and more particularly of those sections of the community most hit by the Tory economic and social policy. In particular, there should be a rents
goverment will seek to divide and isolate Labour councils and will put pressure on individual councillors, the regional execuuve snoula enacavour to acvelop a uninica ap proach among Labour councils supported by the NEC, the parliamentary party and the TUC
Local councils cannot succeed in reversing Tory attacks without the full support of the trade
and Hanonally, associations and community organisations. Furthermore, it is essential for councils to link up with other workers suffering from government cuts and
as health service workers, mineworkers etc, and we call upon the NEC to in itiate a national campaign among those groups fighting to defend their jobs, services, their local
and basic trade union rights and order to assist
The regional executive will have a particular responsibility to ensure the success of those campaigns in boroughs where Labour is not in majori-
5 Labour councils should refuse to co-operate with either the interim or final abolition proposals for the GLC. Labour councils should refuse to co. operate with central government wherever jobs or
No rate-capped authority should seek or enter into individual discussions or negotiations with the Department of the Environment regarding rate support grant or expenditure limits. Any discussions should take place on the
6 Whilst recognising that many tactics may be adopted, Liverpool's defiance of Tory policies has shown that a broad fight can be mobilised around the struggles of a local council. The point at which every Labour controlled authority can be united is the end of one financial year and the beginning of
The common action to each is the levying of a rate or precept. A refusal to levy a rate or precept will unite each council in the same action at the
Such action would unite all councils under attack — both those rate-capped and those
7 The Greater London Labour Party demands a firm pledge from the NEC and parliamentary leadership that the next Labour government will restore the level of government grant to at least the level in 1979 in real terms. We also demand a commitment that the next Labour government will in-
indemnify councillors financial or otherwise imposed for refusing to implement job
the present govern-
Workers and Tenants Conference Saturday 30 March, Manchester
Conference starts at 10am with presentations from tenants organisations and unions on the contributions from floor. Workshops planned include: organising in the workplace, industrial action, working with Labour councils, support in the private sector, coordinating events and
Shop stewards committees, tenants associations, trade union branches and Constituency Labour
Further details from: Ed Hall, Secretary London
Lambeth, Courtenay House, New Park Road, London SW2; or phone 01-674 9844 ext 180.
Page 12 scan of this page
'DURING THE meeting they discussed the subject and objectives of the negotiations on nuclear and space arms. The sides agree that the subject of the negotiations will be a complex of questions concerning space and nuclear arms, both strategic and intermediate range, with all the questions considered and resolved in their interrelationship, the objective of the negotiations will be to work out effective agreements aimed at preventing an arms race in space and terminating it on earth, strengthening strategic stability'
That was the communique issued at the end of the meeting on nuclear arms Ireneva US George ears and Sovie secretary state foreign minister Andrei Gromyko. the real significance of the talks had little to do with what
stated in the comand the negotiatioes are likely to go on for Jears amid western press 0801. worth outlining what is really at
The first point to be understood is that on the carrow issue of the nuclear
right is wholly nd completely on the side of the ÜSSR. The 'Star Wars' programme space weapons proposed dangerous and insane pos- Reagan INTOSE ject HIDI dust ens world history.
Reagan is proposing is that the United States should attempt use is supenor economic and military resources to
"tailsate system to defend the US 3OOIE Soviet retaliation to an American attack on the USSR or its allies
Have no illusions. If the United States ever did gain that capacity it would launch Third World War.
The US has discussed the use of nuclear weapons for its foreien Dolicy. In. cluding launching an attack on the Soviet Union, many times since World War II. Each time it has
Inland 6 months t8: 12 months €15
(12 months only)
Europe £17: Air Mailt *+ (Double these rates for multi-reader institutions
Name
Address
Please send me as special offer
Le astered as a newspaper with the Post Omice rabusaed by carainal enterprises. rBox so. London Ni. rialcd by caneriace uta. u. London br.
ACTION
Star Wars
goes on!
forthcoming US-Soviet at limiting and reducing nuclear arms, and at
stepped back only because it was convinced it would lose. If the United States would were face no retaliation for its would hesitate to use its atomic
The so-called peaceful proposals the United States in the negotiations in fact the same of gaining advan age for a nuclear war. B and Install!
Pershing missiles in the United States has reduced to six minutes flight-time its weapons to hit the USSR's defences.
The aim of the United States war would therefore be to rapidly knock out as many possible Tate USSR's missiles by an attack from Europe the "Star Wars' defences to
SUBSCRIBE
I enclose cheque/PO payable to Socialist Action for f ... Sendio: Socialist Action Subs, 328 Upper St. London N/ 2XP.
hold back the much
weakened Soviet counter-
The chief demand the
United States makes the Soviet Union at the talks that the USSR radically reduce
numbers of land-based
fits perfectly
within this.
The simplest, and
cheanest. way the Soviet
Union can respond to the
threat from the Pershing
and Star Wars systems is
to build a larger number of
land-based missiles to sur-
vive any attack by the Per-
shings and to be sure of
penetrating the US space
defence system. rulung
the missiles into sub-
both
more expensive which
forms part of the United
States plan to strain the
Soviet economy and
provides weapons
get through the American
defences
In short the US de-
mand for a reduction in
specifically land-based
missiles is part of its ag
gressive military strateg,
— not part of any move to
'reduce tension'.
As these talks proceed
expect a torrent of lies
from the
government. But don't be
Andrei Gromyko
Special free book offer!
Take our a tears inland subscription and we will send vou free one of these books:
Thatcher and Friends by John Ross
For Over our Dead Bodies -Women Against the Bomb
Introductory offer for new readers: Eight issues for just f2!
End
the
Act!
Irish in Britain.
without charge, and four in charges.
This year,
anti-Irish chauvinism.
It has recently campaigned against Daily Express editor John Junior for his 'I'd rather be a pig than be Irish' editorial
One of those arrested, Peter Lynch, a member of the ive member me exe CCULIVC the Sparkbrook constituency Labour Party Birmingham, has been charged with conspiracy to cause explosions.
This vague charge,
diction of the weaknes
dication on thielicos an of another frame-up trial.
The police attack on the IBRG has not stopped at Peter Lynch Dr Maire
La 65 vcar old retired consultant psychiatrist, has also been arrested under the PTA, and
terror
THE CHRISTMAS holiday season this year produced the traditional police offensive against the
Since New Year's Eve there have been eight arrests under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), of which four have resulted in release
the police have switched their attention to the Irish in Britain Representation Group (IBRG). The IBRG is a community organisation working with Irish prisoners in British jails, which aims to promote Irish culture in Britain, and combat
held in Liverpool. Dr O'Shea has been denied access to a solicitor, and her family has not been allowed to visit her.
By Pat Hickey Dr O'Shea's detention under the PTA is clear proof of the vindictive police use of the act. She had returned voluntarily Ireland she was on holiday, , after she was informed that police had raided her home in her absence. Confidential medical records were tampered with.
On Sunday 6 January Dr O'Shea's daughter, Deirdre, spoke on sion against the detention of her mother. The police responded by raiding her home Monday January.
NO
PRISONERS
Geraldine Egan, president of Birmingham Trades Council raid and asked this ar proteste the attempt to silence relatives of arrested
nder the PTA? I wou be very interested to know whv the warrant has beer issued to the police. Birm1121020 Trades Council reiterates its call to the Home Office to authorise the immediate release of Dr Maire O'Shea.'
Arreststo
This round of arrests and raids under the PTA demonstrates way which the authorities use the act to attack the irish community in Britain. It is used to intimidate the Irish community generally, and political activists in particular.
Since it was introduced 10 years ago there have been 5987 people arrested Or WatCh only ½47 have been charged and even fewer convicted. Irish tivists are convinced that the present raids are con nected with the campaign to secure a review of the convictions the Birm ingham bombing case.
Rough • JUSLICC - a
GUSH
PRISONS
campaign which focuses on ause convicuons been working on this issue and has called into question the forensic evidence used to secure a conviction. The Home Office steadfastly refused to consider the Case
Anger
The O'Shea and Lynch cases have caused widespread anger in the Birmingham labour movement where Doll have been publicly involved in
Call A picket of West
lidlan police headquarters attracted 200 peo ple, including four local councillors, Birmingham trades council, and a regional official from Dr O'Shea's union, ASTMS
Groups in Britain which are active on the Irish issue will be campaigning for the release of Dr O'Shea and others ar rested under the PTA, but the labour movement must also take on the task of ending the 'Terror Act' which, it should be remembered, Wa introduced •by a Labour government.
← Socialist Action No. 83, 21 December 1984Socialist Action No. 85, January 1985 →